Voters lined up at the downtown branch of the Lexington Public Library Thursday morning as early voting began in Kentucky. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Kevin Nance)

Sen. Mitch McConnell is raking in less money for his reelection campaign than at this time four years ago. But he is sitting on a comfy $8 million cushion. (Getty Images)

FRANKFORT — U.S. Sen. Mitch McConnell’s reelection committee raised just $76,000 between July 1 and Sept. 30 — the lowest quarterly contribution total it has reported in the four years since his 2020 reelection, according to reports filed with the Federal Election Commission.

The $76,000 compares to $1.7 million that Sen. Rand Paul’s reelection committee reports it raised in the same period.

And it is far less than the $325,000 that McConnell’s campaign raised during the comparable quarter during his previous term, July through September of 2018.

Follow the money

An occasional series of campaign finance notebooks

By Tom Loftus

McConnell, who is 82 and has won election to the Senate seven times, has not said whether he will seek another term in 2026. Many political analysts expect he will not run, particularly after two incidents in the summer of 2023 when he froze for several seconds during press availabilities.

McConnell allies, however, say the recent low fundraising amounts are insignificant because McConnell’s reelection committee still has a formidable balance on hand of $8 million. And at this same point in his previous term (Sept. 30, 2018) FEC records show McConnell’s committee had $3.4 million on hand.

His supporters say McConnell’s recent fundraising efforts have been focused on helping Republicans retake the U.S. Senate as well as raising money for the McConnell PAC (Bluegrass Committee) which, in turn, has given $200,000 to the campaigns of Republicans running for the Kentucky General Assembly this fall.

Yet McConnell has always been able to tend to these two other fundraising responsibilities while raising big dollars for his own reelection. And a review of past reports the McConnell reelection committee has filed with the FEC shows this downward trend:

In the first nine months of 2021 McConnell’s reelection committee reported raising $3.6 million; in the first nine months of 2022: $1 million; in the first nine months of 2023: $390,000; in the first nine months of 2024: $341,000. Not a normal trend of an incumbent looking toward the next election.

Beshear’s PAC not yet reporting much support for fellow Democrats

Gov. Andy Beshear’s In This Together PAC continues to report raising modest amounts in contributions and through September has reported giving only a small amount to help the candidates in Kentucky and around the country that Beshear supports.

The super PAC reported raising $68,000 in September and having $708,000 on hand as of Sept. 30. Its report shows it made one contribution during the month: $5,000 to a political committee of Michigan Democratic U.S. Rep. Elissa Slotkin, who is running for the U.S. Senate in November.

According to reports it has filed with the FEC since it was created by Beshear in January, In This Together has made $36,400 in contributions to help other candidates. That’s just 14% of its total spending of $259,394. The rest has gone to operating expenses.

Eric Hyers, who managed Beshear’s two campaigns for governor and oversees the super PAC, says In This Together decided from the start to save its money until late in the campaign season when voters are paying closer attention.

“At the end of the cycle, it will be clear that the vast majority of our funds went directly to working to elect good people and win critical elections,” Hyers said.

Donors to In This Together last month include five members of the Chavez family of Cincinnati, who together contributed $21,000. A Chavez family company owns parking garages and parking lots in Northern Kentucky and Cincinnati and has been a major donor to Andy Beshear political committees for years.

Others who donated $5,000 each to In This Together last month were:? Judith Vance, of Maysville; Robert Vance (a Beshear appointee to the University of Kentucky Board of Trustees), of Maysville; Duane Wall, New York, attorney with the firm White and Case; Myrle Wall, a store owner from New York; the Norfolk Southern PAC, of Washington; and the United Steelworkers PAC, of Pittsburgh.

The biggest expense of Hal Rogers leadership PAC?

Hal Rogers’s leadership PAC continued to pay his wife Cynthia Rogers her $4,000 monthly salary last month as the “event planner” for the Rogers’ leadership PAC called HALPAC. It was the largest expense paid by HALPAC during September.

So far in this election cycle (since Jan. 1, 2023) FEC records show HALPAC has paid $84,000 in salary to Cynthia Rogers. That’s about 22 percent of all of the PAC’s total spending and the second highest expense for the PAC during the cycle. (The PAC’s largest expense over this cycle has been $96,975 paid to Churchill Downs.)

HALPAC reported making two political contributions to Republican members of Congress seeking reelection during the month: $3,000 each to Ken Calvert for Congress (Corona, California); and Juan Ciscomani for Congress (Tucson, Arizona).

HALPAC reported $61,000 in contributions, and $12,000 in spending, during the month and as of Sept. 30 had $82,600 on hand.

The vast majority of its contributions in September came from 11 out-of-state donors who each gave $5,000. HALPAC’s report does not list the occupations or employers of those donors.

Elected in 1980, Rogers has no Democratic opponent in this year’s election as he seeks a 23rd term. He has served in Congress longer than any other Kentuckian.?

Amendment 2 would change Kentucky's Constitution to allow the General Assembly to spend tax dollars for educating students at private schools. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Austin Anthony)

FRANKFORT — A multimillion-dollar television advertising campaign supporting the so-called “school choice” amendment on the November ballot is being single-handedly funded by Jeff Yass, a Pennsylvania billionaire and Republican mega donor.

In early September a political action committee called Protect Freedom began running television ads advocating passage of Amendment 2 which would change Kentucky’s Constitution to allow the General Assembly to spend tax dollars for educating students at private schools. One of those ads features Republican U.S. Sen. Rand Paul making the pitch for the amendment.

Protect Freedom is a national PAC closely affiliated with Paul and largely funded by Yass since it was formed by Paul’s political associates in 2017.

A report filed by Protect Freedom with the Federal Election Commission on Wednesday shows that it got $5,000,250 in total contributions during the period between July 1 and Sept. 30. Of that total, $5 million (99.99 percent) was donated by Yass on Sept. 6.

The report also shows that it paid $2,031,418 in September to Strategic Media Placement, an Ohio media company that has placed Protect Freedom’s ads advocating for the school choice amendment with Kentucky television stations.

Protect Freedom as of Wednesday morning has bought $4.1 million in ads promoting the amendment, according to a representative of Protect Our Schools, a group opposing the amendment that has been tracking advertising buys in the race.

Yass is managing director and co-founder of the Philadelphia-based trading firm Susquehanna International Group. He is worth $44.3 billion according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index. His holdings include a major investment in the China-based ByteDance, the parent company of the hugely popular social media site TikTok.

Yass also is the country’s second largest political donor, having made $79.7 million in political contributions since Jan. 1, 2023 — nearly all of that to Republican causes, according to Open Secrets, a website that tracks political contributions. (That total does not include the $5 million he gave in September to Protect Freedom.)

And for many years Yass has made big contributions to political committees — particularly in Pennsylvania but also in many other states — advocating school choice.

He is no stranger to donating in Kentucky.?

Last year he donated millions to PACs that unsuccessfully supported Republican Daniel Cameron’s campaign for governor.

And he has long been a massive donor to PACs affiliated with Paul. The $5 million he gave to Protect Freedom in September brings his total contributed to Protect Freedom to $34 million since 2017. In? 2021 he gave $5 million to a PAC that successfully supported Paul’s reelection in 2022.

Advocates for Amendment 2 say it will improve education by making it possible for more parents to have a choice in deciding where to send their children to school.?

Another pro-amendment group called Kentucky Students First recently reported that it had raised about $1.5 million to promote the amendment. Kevin Broghamer, who is treasurer? of Kentucky Students First, declined to immediately answer questions from Kentucky Lantern Wednesday morning. Broghamer, who is also treasurer of Paul’s campaign committee, said someone with the group would call back if it had any comment. As of early Wednesday afternoon the group did not call Kentucky Lantern back.

Opponents of the amendment say that it would divert tax dollars from already under-funded public schools to private schools.

A PAC called Protect Our Schools has recently reported raising about $3.1 million from teacher unions for its advertising campaign to defeat the amendment. Of that total $2.4 million came from the National Education Association, and $250,000 each from the Kentucky Education Association and Jefferson County Teachers Association.

Eddie Campbell, president of the Kentucky Education Association and board member of Protect Our Schools, said of Yass’s donation, “A billionaire is giving our politicians in Frankfort a blank check to divert our tax dollars from public schools. … He’s flooding the airwaves with misleading ads.”

Campbell said the difference between the big contributions to each side is that Yass is just one person, while the teacher unions are made up of tens of thousands of “members of local communities who are concerned about the harmful effect this amendment will have.”

U.S. Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell speaks during the Graves County Republican Party Breakfast, part of the Fancy Farm Picnic political festivities, on Saturday, Aug. 3, 2024, . (Kentucky Lantern photo by Austin Anthony)

FRANKFORT — While Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s new political action committee, In This Together, has yet to report donating to a Democratic legislative candidate, U.S. Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell’s old PAC has reported giving $200,000 to help Republicans running this fall for the Kentucky legislature and local offices.

In a report filed with the Federal Election Commission, McConnell’s Bluegrass Committee PAC reported giving $2,100 (the maximum allowed by state law) on Aug. 20 to each of 95 Republicans running in Kentucky. McConnell’s PAC gave to 90 Republican candidates for seats in the General Assembly, three candidates for Louisville Metro Council and two mayoral candidates. The PAC also reported giving $1,000 to the Kentucky Federation of Republican Women.

Follow the money

An occasional series of campaign finance notebooks

By Tom Loftus

?It was a lot of money, but a routine disgorgement from Bluegrass Committee, which for 35 years has been McConnell’s so-called leadership PAC — a major but under-the-radar force in helping fund Republicans running for office at all levels in Kentucky. It has also been a consistent donor to candidates supported by McConnell outside Kentucky.?

Although called a leadership PAC, there’s no leadership requirement to start one. Almost? all members of the U.S. Senate and House have one to collect and disperse political money.

Granted, being a leader in a legislative body, as McConnell has been for decades, helps raise money.?

A constant flow of dollars from the PACs of big corporations and associations has funded McConnell’s Bluegrass Committee. These PACs are limited to giving no more than $5,000 per year to a leadership PAC. And scores of them give $5,000 to Bluegrass Committee year after year.

In August, donors of $5,000 to Bluegrass Committee included PACs of Boeing, AT&T, McKesson, Union Pacific, National Beer Wholesalers and the National Automobile Dealers.

Since Jan. 1, 2023, FEC records show 91% of the $838,000 in contributions taken in by Bluegrass Committee during this political cycle has come from these PACs. Only 9% has been donated by individuals.

The donations not only allow McConnell to make big political contributions, they also help pay for folks who run his perpetual political operations.

For instance, in August the largest expense of Bluegrass Committee was $10,000 paid to Haney Consulting, the company owned by McConnell’s longtime fundraising consultant, Laura Haney. Since Jan. 1, 2023, Bluegrass Committee has paid Haney Consulting $200,000, FEC records show.

Beshear created In This Together in January to raise money he could use to support like-minded candidates in Kentucky and across the country. From January through August Beshear’s super PAC reported raising $897,500. Eric Hyers, a Beshear political strategist, said in July that the PAC would wait until fall to begin significant spending in support of candidates.

Hal Rogers’ leadership PAC

For many years 5th District U.S. Rep. Hal Rogers of Kentucky also maintained a leadership PAC, although it is understandably much smaller than Senate Republican Leader McConnell’s PAC.

Rogers’ PAC, called Help America’s Leaders PAC, or HALPAC, came under the scrutiny of Lexington Herald-Leader reporter John Cheves four years ago.

Cheves’ report revealed that HALPAC made very few political contributions to fellow Republicans, but spent? its money on other things, like a $3,000 a month salary to Rogers’ wife, Cynthia Rogers, for “PAC event planning.”

More recent reports show that HALPAC still gives very little to other Republican candidates — only $8,000 (or 2.3% of the PAC’s total spending since Jan. 1, 2023.)

But one thing has changed since that Herald-Leader story.

HALPAC no longer pays Cynthia Rogers $3,000 a? month for PAC event planning.

It pays her $4,000 a month for PAC event planning.

In fact, since Jan. 1, 2023 through August 2024 it has paid Cynthia Rogers $80,000, FEC records show. That’s 23% of the PAC’s spending during the period and 10 times the amount HALPAC has made in contributions to other Republican candidates.

Kentucky Lantern sent Rogers’ office questions in hopes of getting more details of the PAC’s spending. HALPAC replied with a statement late Thursday that said, “All expenditures are done in accordance with the purpose of the PAC and FEC regulations, including all event and personnel expenditures. There is not a more stalwart team player for the Republican Party than Hal Rogers. Over the years he has generously donated directly to countless candidates and to the National Republican Congressional Committee to help elect a Republican majority.”

RPK Building Fund still getting big more corporation contributions

Special interest corporation dollars are continuing to flow into the Republican Party of Kentucky’s Building Fund as groundbreaking for the expansion of the party’s headquarters took place late this summer.

According to a report filed by the RPK this week with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance, the RPK’s building fund got $385,000 in contributions between July 1 and Sept. 30 with the majority of that coming from a whopping $300,000 donation from Brown-Forman of Louisville.

Also during the quarter, the Boeing Co. PAC gave another $75,000. (It had previously given $100,000 to the building fund.) And Toyota Motor North America Inc. gave $10,000.

That brings the total raised so far for the project to $3.6 million; nearly all of that was donated by big corporations that lobby both Congress and the Kentucky General Assembly. The largest donation of $1 million was made early in the fundraising drive by pharmaceutical giant Pfizer Inc., of New York. The second largest donor was a small Ohio gas distribution utility called NWO Resources. (The president and director of N.W.O Resources is James Neal Blue who is also chief executive and chairman of General Atomics Corp., a defense contractor that the Forbes website says is best known as the manufacturer of the Predator drone.)

The party headquarters is located in a house about four blocks down Capitol Avenue from the Kentucky Capitol. A sign out front identifies it as the “Mitch McConnell Building.” And the senator himself was on hand early last month when ground was broken for the expansion which will add 6,800 square feet of space for more offices, conference rooms and an auditorium.

The project was made possible by a 2017 law that — among other things — allowed state political parties to create building funds which could accept donations from corporations of unlimited amounts.

The building fund reported spending $133,600 during the recent quarter and that as of Sept. 30 it still had more than $3.2 million on hand.

Most of that spending was for an architect and a construction manager, but a lot of it — $20,000 — was paid to Haney Consulting, the business owned by McConnell’s fundraiser. Reports filed by the building fund with the election registry show that since Jan. 1, 2023 the building fund has paid Haney Consulting $120,000 to raise the corporation contributions for expanding the RPK headquarters.?

Daniel Cameron looks over the crowd after conceding defeat on election night, Nov 7, 2023, in Louisville. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Matthew Mueller)

FRANKFORT — Kentucky’s attorney general and two University of Louisville physicians waged a legal battle for more than a year that almost no one knew about —? even though it involved the Republican candidate for governor and an issue of intense public interest.

The secrecy around the case – from its outset in June of 2023 – is highly unusual. It ended Monday when the file was unsealed under a Franklin Circuit judge’s order. The Lantern first revealed the case’s existence and reported many of its details in August based on a Court of Appeals ruling and sources with knowledge of the situation.?

The newly unsealed file provides further insights into what happened when the powers of Kentucky’s top prosecutor intersected with abortion politics in an election year.

The dispute involved then-Attorney General Daniel Cameron’s efforts to pursue a criminal investigation against the two U of L physicians who, when it was still legal to do so, performed abortions and trained medical students and residents at EMW Women’s Surgical Center in Louisville. Cameron also was Kentucky Republicans’ nominee for governor last year.

Kentucky appeals court rejects AG’s efforts to get employment records in abortion case

After the U.S. Supreme Court ended the constitutional right to abortion in the summer of 2022, the physicians testified in court against the near-total abortion ban that immediately took effect in Kentucky.

Cameron, whose office was defending the abortion ban, then sought the physicians’ pay, tax and other records from U of L through the civil discovery process. When that didn’t work he used a grand jury to subpoena the records as part of a criminal investigation that he said would discover whether public dollars had been misused.

In the end, the case turned on what two courts determined were Cameron’s misuse of the grand jury process and his lack of evidence of any crime.

Politics alleged

Lawyers for the physicians argued that Cameron’s actions were motivated by politics, that he was using abortion litigation “for political gain in his gubernatorial campaign” — a claim that Cameron’s office branded “offensive” and “slander.”?

The doctors’ lawyers said Cameron “apparently believes that depicting abortion providers as greedy profiteers advances his arguments that abortions should be outlawed.”?

It’s impossible to know how public knowledge of the case might have affected the 2023 race for governor. By September 2023 — less than two months before the gubernatorial election — the politics of abortion had changed in Kentucky.?

That month Democratic incumbent Gov. Andy Beshear began airing powerful commercials featuring a rape victim and a prosecutor criticizing Cameron for opposing exceptions for rape and incest in the abortion ban. And Cameron quickly modified his position, saying he would sign legislation creating exceptions for rape and incest if the Republican-controlled General Assembly approved it.

Franklin Circuit Judge Phillip Shepherd tried to unseal the case at that time, but was thwarted by Cameron who immediately appealed the ruling to quash the subpoena and successfully pleaded to keep the case secret at least until the appeals court ruled on its merits.

Beshear defeated Cameron in the governor’s race by about 5 percentage points, and Cameron has since taken a job as executive director of a non-profit group called 1792 Exchange. (That group’s website says it works to? protect small businesses, other non-profits and philanthropic organizations from “woke” corporations.)

AG Coleman ends appeals

Cameron did not respond to an email from the Lantern sent to 1792 Exchange seeking comment on the outcome of his ill-fated investigation.

Current Attorney General Russell Coleman did not ask the Kentucky Supreme Court to review the August Court of Appeals ruling that upheld Shepherd’s decision to quash the subpoena. Rewa Zakharia, chief of the criminal division in Coleman’s office, declined comment on Friday after a court hearing when Shepherd ordered the case finally unsealed. Zakharia referred questions to the office spokesman Kevin Grout, who did not return phone messages from Kentucky Lantern.

One of the attorneys for the doctors, William Brammell, released a statement that said, “We appreciate the judge’s thoughtful handling of this case and ultimate decision to unseal it, making it available to the public.? In a functioning democracy, it’s critical that citizens know what their government is doing and the judge’s decision in this case balances that right to access with our client’s understandable personal privacy interests.”

On Aug. 9 a three-judge panel of the Kentucky Court of Appeals unanimously affirmed Shepherd’s quashing of the subpoena. Its order said the subpoena amounted to a “fishing expedition” and that Cameron’s premise that tax dollars may have been illegally spent on abortions was not supported by the facts of the case.

The appeals court sent the question of whether the case should be unsealed back to Shepherd. On Friday Shepherd unsealed the case with the exception of one document, and he released 177 pages of records Monday with the names of the physicians redacted.

The U of L physicians and another physician who practiced at EMW Women’s Surgical Center initiated the case on July 21, 2023, asking Franklin Circuit Court to quash a subpoena seeking payroll, personnel and other records

They argued that Cameron unsuccessfully sought the same records in the civil case challenging the constitutionality of Kentucky’s abortion ban and that the material sought was not relevant to any possible criminal charges. They suggested a political motive which Cameron hotly disputed.

“It has become clear that Mr. Cameron will use abortion litigation, against providers and others, for political gain in his gubernatorial campaign.”

Cameron said the subpoena was issued as part of his office’s responsibility to investigate “crimes involving the use of public funds.”

The plaintiffs filed the case under the pseudonyms Jane Doe 1, Jane Doe 2 and John Row, and asked that the case be sealed to protect their privacy. Cameron offered no objection and Shepherd let the case initially proceed under seal.

As the case proceeded, Shepherd, over the objections of the doctors’ lawyers, gave Cameron the opportunity to present a confidential (“in camera”) written explanation “that will set forth the subject matter of the Attorney General’s investigation.”

Cameron did so. That record remains the only part of the file still sealed. But whatever is in it, it did not convince Shepherd.

Grand jury never asked for or asked for subpoena

The judge wrote a 16-page order quashing the subpoena. Shepherd agreed with nearly all points made by the physicians’ attorneys. He said even the confidential submission from the attorney general “provides no information which grants its office jurisdiction.”

Shepherd said the investigation was brought in the wrong county because the doctors work in Jefferson County. “There is no indication that any of the conduct under investigation took place in Franklin County. Nor is there any allegation that state funds were used directly in any manner that would violate the penal code,” he ruled.

Shepherd noted that while Cameron obtained the subpoena from the clerk of the Franklin Circuit Court, the grand jury never asked for the subpoena or voted to authorize it.

And because the subpoena sought the same records Cameron was unsuccessfully trying to get in the separate civil case, the judge concluded, “this subpoena appears to be a classic ‘fishing expedition.’”

He said the doctors had a right to be concerned the information might be used in a way that would “subject them to vilification or harassment by opponents of abortion.”

The judge also said he was inclined to open the case because the public should know what goes on in court. Shepherd issued a lengthy order in which he attempted to unseal the records. “The Court believes that the public has a right to know, and to decide for themselves, whether the Attorney General is wielding the authority granted to him appropriately and in accordance with the requirements of law.”

But Cameron filed an emergency request to keep the entire file sealed, which the appeals court granted.

In August, the Court of Appeals ruling against Cameron sent the case back to Shepherd to decide whether to unseal the case.

The Kentucky Lantern and Louisville Public Media filed briefs asking that the case be opened.?

Abortion politics: A Kentucky timeline

2019 – Kentucky’s legislature votes along party lines to enact two anti-abortion laws: A ban on abortions after six weeks of pregnancy. A ban on all abortions that would take effect only if the U.S. Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, the so-called “trigger law.” Federal courts blocked the six-week ban.

Feb. 26, 2020 – The Family Foundation calls on Attorney General Daniel Cameron to investigate whether medical school faculty at the University of Louisville are violating state law through ties to what was then the state’s only abortion clinic, EMW Women’s Surgical Center in Louisville.

U of L President Neeli Bendapudi firmly rejects the allegations, saying U of L and EMW are separate entities. Residents in obstetrics and gynecology, as part of their training, must learn all aspects of reproductive health care, and abortion provider EMW is the only place they can learn the procedure.

March 30, 2021 – General Assembly approves putting an anti-abortion amendment on the 2022 ballot. It would add a new section stating Kentucky’s Constitution does not secure or protect a right to or funding of abortion.

June 24, 2022 – U.S. Supreme Court ends the constitutional right to abortion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, overturning Roe.

EMW and Planned Parenthood, both in Louisville and Kentucky’s only abortion providers, stop performing abortions “out of an abundance of caution.”

June 27, 2022 – EMW and Planned Parenthood file suit in Jefferson Circuit Court seeking to block enforcement of the abortion ban.?

July 6, 2022 – Jefferson Circuit Judge Mitch Perry hears arguments from both sides with Attorney General Daniel Cameron’s office defending the abortion ban. Among those testifying are two University of Louisville OB/GYNs who provide abortions at EMW and say abortion is essential to health care.

July 7, 2022 – Republican lawmakers in Frankfort grill U of L medical dean Toni Ganzel about whether public funds have been used to provide abortions. He tells them U of L does not pay physicians to perform abortions. Rep. Jason Nemes, R-Louisville, tells Ganzel,? “If university funds are used for abortion, the taxpayers ought to know, and the legislature should take that into account when we’re talking about funding the university and other things.”

July 30, 2022 – Judge Perry issues a temporary order allowing abortions to resume in Kentucky.?

Aug. 2, 2022 – Legal abortions stop after the Court of Appeals grants Cameron’s emergency request to reinstate the two laws banning almost all abortions in the state.?

Aug. 3, 2022 – Two U of L professors suspend their work at EMW. U of L pauses its residency training affiliation with EMW until “we can determine the future of the relationship.”

Nov. 8, 2022 – Kentucky voters defeat the anti-abortion constitutional amendment by almost 5 percentage points, 52.3%? to 47.7% or 742,232 votes to 675,634 votes.

Nov. 15, 2022 – Kentucky Supreme Court hears arguments in abortion providers’ challenge of abortion ban.

Feb. 16, 2023 – Kentucky Supreme Court leaves abortion ban in place, saying abortion providers lack standing to challenge the law on behalf of their patients, leaving unanswered questions about the ban’s constitutionality. Calling it a “significant victory,” Cameron says, “We will continue to stand up for the unborn by defending these laws.”

May 16, 2023 – Cameron wins primary, becomes Republican candidate for Kentucky governor, challenging incumbent Andy Beshear, who opposes Kentucky’s no-exceptions abortion ban, calling it “extreme.”

June 2023 – Cameron issues a Franklin County grand jury subpoena for payroll and personnel information for two unnamed U of L employees, seeking evidence that state funds may have been misused. All parties agree to seal the case.

July 2023 – Jane Does and Roe ask Franklin circuit judge to quash the subpoena.

Sept. 1, 2023 – Democrat Beshear’s campaign airs an ad featuring Jefferson County prosecutor Erin White attacking Cameron for opposing abortion ban exceptions, even for rape and incest victims. ?“Cameron believes rapists deserve more rights than their victims. That’s extreme. And it’s dangerous,” she says.

Sept. 18, 2023 – Cameron changes his position on abortion, saying he would sign legislation creating exceptions for rape and incest if the Republican-controlled General Assembly approved it. He later appears to soften that statement to reassure abortion opponents.

Sept. 20, 2023 – Beshear campaign airs ad in which Hadley Duvall says, “This is to you, Daniel Cameron. To tell a 12-year-old girl she must have the baby of her stepfather who raped her is unthinkable.”??

?September 2023 –? Franklin Circuit Judge Phillip Shepherd quashes the subpoena and tries to unseal the case records. Cameron appeals. Court of Appeals grants his emergency request to keep the case sealed, pending a final outcome.

Oct. 4, 2023 – Russell Coleman, the Republican nominee for attorney general says he supports exceptions for rape and incest and will “call on the General Assembly to take a hard look at that issue.”

Nov. 5, 2023 – Beshear and Coleman win their races by comfortable margins.

Aug. 9, 2024 – Kentucky Court of Appeals rejects the attorney general’s subpoena as an improper “fishing expedition” and outside the scope of the Franklin County grand jury because the records sought by the attorney general are from another county. Returns case to Franklin Circuit Court to consider unsealing the file.

Sept. 20, 2024 – Kentucky Lantern and Louisville Public Media file motion asking that records of the case be unsealed.

Sept. 27, 2024 – Shepherd orders the case unsealed with redactions and excluding an “in camera” filing.

EMW Women's Surgical Center in Louisville is now closed but before the abortion ban was one of two abortion providers in Kentucky. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Deborah Yetter)

FRANKFORT — Franklin Circuit Judge Phillip Shepherd said Friday he will make public nearly all of the records in a lawsuit stemming from former Attorney General Daniel Cameron’s attempt in June of 2023 to investigate two University of Louisville physicians who had performed abortions at EMW Women’s Surgical Center.

During a hearing on whether to unseal the case record, Shepherd said he will release an order early next week that will direct that documents in the case be released with the exception of one record filed with his office last year by Cameron. He also said names of the doctors would also remain confidential.

At issue is a sealed lawsuit brought by the doctors and an official of EMW to quash a subpoena issued by Cameron for payroll and personnel records of the doctors. Cameron sought the records in 2023, a year after almost all abortions had been outlawed in Kentucky and the state’s abortion clinics had closed.

A year ago Shepherd ruled in favor of the doctors, quashing the subpoena and ordering that most of the case file be unsealed. But Cameron blocked that order by immediately filing an appeal along with an emergency motion to keep the entire case a secret.

On Aug. 9 a three-judge panel of the Kentucky Court of Appeals unanimously affirmed Shepherd’s quashing of the subpoena. Its order said the subpoena amounted to a “fishing expedition” and that Cameron’s premise that tax dollars may have been illegally spent on abortions was not supported the facts of the case.

The appeals court ruling did not identify the physicians or U of L or EMW as their employers. Kentucky Lantern, based on information from knowledgeable sources and details in the appeals ruling, reported the case clearly involved the two U of L physicians and EMW, which was confirmed last week in a document filed by the parties in the case.

The case is now over. Current Attorney General Russell Coleman decided not to appeal the appeals court’s ruling.

But the appeals court referred back to Shepherd the matter of whether the file should remain sealed.

Shepherd scheduled Friday’s hearing to give the parties to the case – as well as the public and press – a chance to be heard on the matter. Kentucky Lantern and Louisville Public Media intervened in the case to argue for opening the file.

Near the end of the hearing Shepherd said he would issue an order early next week that largely conforms with the position jointly taken by all parties to the original case (the doctors and the Attorney General) that the file be unsealed except for the names of the doctors and a document filed by the Attorney General last year for Shepherd’s “in camera” review that dealt with the? subject of its investigation.

Tom Miller, a Lexington attorney who represented Kentucky Lantern and Louisville Public Media, argued Friday that this one document may be vital and should also be disclosed.? “All we’re asking is that the attorney general be required to disclose what it was that they thought they were investigating,” Miller said.

But Shepherd said that other documents that will be released will satisfy that concern. “I think that when you see the rest of the file that all of the questions that you’re identifying are going to be fully answered,” Shepherd said.

Gov. Andy Beshear extends a handshake during a ceremonial groundbreaking for The Paddocks of Frankfort at Interstate 64 and U.S. 127. The ceremony was moved into the Capital Rotunda because of heavy rain the day before. (Gov. Andy Beshear, X account)

FRANKFORT — Developers of a large regional shopping center under construction in Frankfort gave $100,000 to Gov. Andy Beshear’s super PAC in August.

It amounts to the largest group of contributions ever reported by the super PAC — called In This Together — which Beshear created in January.

In early June Beshear was joined by the developers and local and state leaders in the Capitol Rotunda to ceremonially break ground on The Paddocks of Frankfort, a major retail development that will feature Target as an anchor tenant.

Beshear thanked developers and investors for making what he said was a $150 million investment that would “support” more than 1,000 jobs. Developers thanked the state and local officials – particularly the Beshear administration and legislature for funding major road improvements that made the long-planned project possible.

The state road plan includes funding to build a realigned interchange at I-64 and U.S. 127 and other improvements in access to the site.?

The Frankfort and Franklin County governments approved tax increment financing for other infrastructure to support the project.

On Friday, In This Together, filed a report with the Federal Election Commission that listed $100,000 in contributions on Aug. 8 from limited liability companies affiliated with the developers, Patrick Madden and Equity Management Group.

Specifically, the donors listed in the report are:

• TPOF Manager LLC, of Lexington, $50,000. This company was formed in February, according to records filed with the Kentucky Secretary of State. The records list no owners or officers of TPOF Manager LLC, but do list Equity Management Group, of Lexington, as its registered agent. Equity Management Group is one of the real estate companies handling the development according to a June press release from the governor’s office.
• Sir Barton Place LLC, of Lexington, $25,000. This is a real estate company managed by Madden.
• War Admiral Place LLC, of Lexington, $25,000. This is another real estate company managed by Madden.

Neither Madden nor Equity Management Group immediately returned phone calls from Kentucky Lantern seeking comment on the contributions.

Eric Hyers, the PAC’s political strategist who managed both of Beshear’s successful campaigns for governor, responded to questions from Kentucky Lantern in a statement: “This is an important economic development project for Frankfort that has been years in the making, and Mr. Madden has been a long-time supporter of Gov Beshear.”

?Hyers also said, “We are proud that ITT (In This Together) is raising money to help good people win in Kentucky and all over the country and that people are donating because of the proven leadership of Governor Beshear.”

Beshear, a Democrat, created In This Together in early January as a mechanism to raise contributions he would use to support like-minded political candidates both within Kentucky and across the country.

From January through August the super PAC has reported raising $897,500.

Before August, the largest contribution it reported was $25,000 from Freedom Senior Share LLC, of Louisville, which operates under the assumed name of Freedom Adult Day Healthcare.

In This Together reported raising a total of $187,900 in August. It reported spending $40,100 during the month and that it had $681,800 on hand as of Aug. 31.

Hyers said in July that the super PAC planned to wait until the fall before spending significant amounts to help candidates supported by Beshear. In August it reported making just one contribution – $6,600 to the campaign of Democratic U.S. Sen. Tammy Baldwin, of Wisconsin.

If voters approve Amendment 2 to Kentucky's Constitution the state for the first time would be allowed to send public money to private schools. Donors on both sides of the issue recently filed campaign finance reports. (Getty Images)

FRANKFORT — The big money being donated to defeat the so-called “school choice” amendment on the November ballot has come from – as expected – teachers unions, while the big money contributed by proponents of Amendment 2 has come from developers and other business interests in Northern Kentucky.

Reports filed with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance on Tuesday show that the group opposing the amendment, called Protect Our Schools, appears to have an early fundraising edge. It reported raising $3,055,000 since the spring and has $2,880,000 of that on hand as of Sept. 11.

Meanwhile, the committee advocating for the amendment, called Kentucky Students First, reported raising $1,533,000 so far, and a current balance of $1,118,000.

However, there are other groups that will spend money to influence voters in this race that have yet to report their donations and expenses. The most significant of those is likely to be Protect Freedom, which began airing advertisements advocating for the amendment in Kentucky this week.?

Protect Freedom is a national political action committee that discloses its finances to the Federal Election Commission and is due to file its next report later this month. The super PAC is affiliated with U.S. Sen. Rand Paul and has been nearly totally funded by Jeff Yass, the multi-billionaire options trader from Philadelphia. Yass is a powerful advocate for school choice and among the very largest political donors in the country. Since the beginning of 2023 he donated $14 million to Protect Freedom. And he donated millions to Protect Freedom and other super PACs that supported Republican Daniel Cameron’s unsuccessful campaign for governor of Kentucky in 2023.

Passage of Amendment 2? would allow the Kentucky General Assembly to approve provide state taxpayer funds to private and charter schools.

State lawmakers tried to do that three years ago with a bill that would have provided tax credits for donations supporting private school tuition.

But the Kentucky Supreme Court struck down that law, saying it violated provisions of the Kentucky Constitution.

Early this year Republican majorities in the Kentucky General Assembly approved a measure to let voters decide this November to amend the Constitution so that the General Assembly can provide funding for education outside the public school system.

Biggest donors

In its report filed Tuesday with the state election registry, the pro-amendment group Kentucky Students First reported getting most of its money from donors from Northern Kentucky with ties to the development and hospitality industries. Its biggest donors:

• William Yung, of Naples Florida, president of the hotel and resort operator Columbia Sussex, which is based in Crescent Springs, $500,000.
• Kentucky Education Freedom Fund Inc., a “dark money” political committee based in Louisville and headed by Charles Leis, the chief executive of EdChoice Kentucky, of Louisville. This type of political committee organized under Section 501(c)(4) of the Internal Revenue Service does not have to disclose its donors.
• Anthony Zembrodt, of Covington, retired, $200,000
• Matth Toebben, Crescent Springs, executive of Toebben Companies which is involved in commercial and residential construction, $100,000.
• The Drees Company, Fort Mitchell, homebuilding, $75,000.
• American Federation for Children, of Columbia, Maryland, a national organization that promotes school choice, $75,000.

Protect Our Schools, the group opposed to the amendment, reported the following large donations:

• National Education Association, Washington, a national teachers union, $2,415,000
• Kentucky Education Association, Frankfort, a state teachers union, $250,000
• Jefferson County Teachers Association, Louisville, the Jefferson county teachers union, $250,000
• Movement Voter Project, Northampton, Massachusetts, $60,000
• Council for Better Education, Frankfort, $50,000

Leaders of the Republican Party of Kentucky break ground on an expansion of the party's Frankfort headquarters. (Kentucky Lantern photo by McKenna Horsley)

FRANKFORT — What speakers hailed as “the house that Mitch built” will be doubling in size? — thanks to more than $3 million from special interest donors and a change of state law in 2017 that legalized such donations.

A slew of prominent Kentucky Republicans joined U.S. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell to break ground Thursday on an expansion of the party’s headquarters which is named for McConnell.

The Republican Party of Kentucky has been headquartered for 50 years in an old house about four blocks down the hill from the Kentucky Capitol.?

McConnell and other speakers said the building’s expansion symbolizes the growth of their party over those five decades as Republicans gained political dominance in Kentucky, a change that many credit in no small part to McConnell’s leadership and fundraising.

“We’ve come a long way, and the people here today had a lot to do with it,” McConnell said. “Thanks for all the praise for me, but it’s a team sport, and many of you have contributed a lot of years and a lot of dollars over the years to bring us where we are today.”?

Plans for the project released earlier this summer show it will add about 6,800 square feet of meeting and office space. The new addition is being designed by Stengel-Hill Architecture, of Louisville, to conform with the surrounding residential neighborhood. It will include a 160-seat auditorium.

Pfizer Inc. gave $1 million

Reports filed by the party with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance reveal that the project is being paid for with donations by a small number of large contributions from special interests that lobby in Washington and/or Frankfort.

State law caps how much a person can give to a political party in Kentucky, and corporation contributions to candidates and most political committees are illegal. But a 2017 state law allowed Kentucky’s two political parties to establish building funds which could accept corporation donations of unlimited amounts.

The financing of the expansion of the Mitch McConnell Building has relied on those super-size corporate contributions. Party Chairman Robert Benvenuti thanked the 16 donors who together gave $3,212,500.

Kentucky Lantern first reported last year that pharmaceutical giant Pfizer Inc., of New York, made the largest contribution for the project — $1 million.

The second largest donor is NWO Resources, a small Ohio gas distribution utility, which gave $500,000. The president and director of NWO Resources is James Neal Blue, who is also chief executive and chairman of the General Atomics Corp., a defense contractor which the Forbes website says is best known as the manufacturer of the Predator drone.

Telecommunications companies AT&T and Verizon have each given $300,000 as has Metropolitan Life Insurance Company.

In his years in Washington, McConnell has worked to dismantle federal limits on political giving and spending and, thanks to Supreme Court rulings, has largely succeeded.

‘Future dominance of our values’

McConnell, 82, is both Kentucky’s longest serving senator and the Senate’s longest-serving party leader. Speaking on the lawn of the party headquarters, he recalled his humbler beginnings in Kentucky politics then dominated by Democrats. In 1984, he rode President Ronald Reagan’s reelection coattails and a campaign commercial featuring hound dogs to victory over a Democratic incumbent.

McConnell shared one of his favorite anecdotes, the time he was on stage with Reagan who referred to him as “Mitch O’Donnell.”

“I couldn’t be prouder at this stage of my career to look at the Kentucky Republican Party today,” McConnell said. “It’s a great experience to watch that grow and develop over the years. … A whole lot of people deserve the credit.”

The Republican Party now? holds supermajorities in the Kentucky House and Senate and every statewide office except governor and lieutenant governor, both U.S. Senate seats and five of Kentucky’s six seats in the U.S. House. In February, McConnell announced he planned to step down as the Senate’s Republican leader at the end of this year.

U.S. Rep. Andy Barr, who represents Kentucky’s 6th Congressional District, said the senior senator laid the foundation for the modern state party and floated the idea of putting a statue of McConnell in the Kentucky Capitol rotunda. The Republican supermajority recently passed legislation giving the General Assembly authority over permanent displays in the rotunda.?

“This is a groundbreaking for the future dominance of our values and our policies in the Commonwealth of Kentucky,” Barr said.?

Kentucky Senate Republican Floor Leader Damon Thayer, of Georgetown, said he was “proud that it was legislation that I authored that allows for corporate contributions to state party building funds.”?

Afterward, Thayer said in an interview, “These buildings are expensive to operate and maintain and build. Modern day politics is expensive.” He said the contributions “are all reported, you’ve written about it —which I think is wholly appropriate. People know about it and can make their own judgment.”

‘Steadfast leadership’

State House Speaker David Osborne, of Prospect, likened the status of the party’s headquarters to McConnell’s rise in politics. Osborne said he could remember walking into the building when ice was hanging from the ceiling and space heaters were on because the furnace didn’t work.?

“One thing that has not changed along the way is the steadfast leadership of Leader McConnell. … With the evolution of Kentucky politics, we would’ve gotten the majority eventually, but it certainly would not have been as quickly and as productive as it has been with Sen. McConnell’s leadership,” Osborne said.?

Thanking donors, Benvenuti, the party chair, said, “Your generosity has provided more than just the bricks and mortar. It has laid the foundation for future success and growth of our community.”?

Thayer and McConnell both contrasted the expanding GOP headquarters with the headquarters of the Kentucky Democratic Party along Interstate 64 on the outskirts of Frankfort — the Wendell Ford Building named for the late Kentucky governor and U.S. senator.

Jonathan Levin, Kentucky Democratic Party communications director, said the party is in the process of selling its headquarters and plans to move to more modern office space more centrally located in Frankfort.

The Republican fundraising effort for its expansion has lasted nearly two years. McConnell’s longtime fundraising consultant Laura Haney has led that effort. Reports filed by the RPK Building Fund show it has paid Haney Consulting $100,000 in consulting fees since the beginning of 2023.

This summer the fund began paying design and construction costs. As of June 30 the fund reported it still had $3 million on hand.

RPK spokesman Andrew Westberry said he was not certain when the project will be completed.

Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear walks onstage before speaking during the first night of the Democratic National Convention at the United Center in Chicago, Aug. 19, 2024. (Photo by Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images)

FRANKFORT — Gov. Andy Beshear’s political action committee had a solid, though hardly spectacular, month of fundraising in July — a month that ended with Beshear still under consideration as a possible running mate by Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris.

Beshear’s PAC, called In This Together, reported to the Federal Election Commission this week that it raised $216,000 in July. It reported spending $43,400 during the month. All of that spending was for operating expenses — none directly for the stated purpose of the PAC to help elect “good candidates” in closely contested races both in and outside of Kentucky.

Since it was created by Beshear in early January, In This Together has reported raising $709,000 and spending $175,000. That left it with a balance of $534,000 as of Aug. 1.

The vast majority of its spending so far — $150,000 — has been on operating expenses, including fundraising consultants, political consultants, compliance consultants, lawyers.

Only about $25,000 so far has been given as contributions to campaigns supported by Beshear.

Eric Hyers, the PAC’s political strategist who managed both of Beshear’s successful campaigns for governor, did not respond to an email and phone call seeking comment on the PAC’s recent report.

Last month Hyers told Kentucky Lantern that from the outset In This Together planned to wait until the fall to do most of its spending to help endorsed candidates. And Hyers said most of that help would come in the form of independent expenditures supporting its candidates rather than direct contributions to the candidates’ campaign committees.

President Joe Biden’s announcement on July 21 that he would step out of the presidential campaign set off a chain of events that put Beshear into the national political spotlight.? Vice President Harris quickly emerged as the Democratic Party’s consensus nominee to replace Biden on the November ballot, and Beshear was among a handful of candidates Harris closely considered as her running mate. On Aug. 6, Harris selected Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz.

In This Together’s recent report shows it got only about 15 percent of its contributions from people (not including political action committees) who live outside Kentucky. One donation of $1,000 came from Kevin Sobkoviak, identified in the FEC report as finance director of the Iowa Democratic Party.

The overwhelming majority of the money came from Kentucky, mostly from regular donors to Beshear political causes. For instance, several officials of engineering firms that hold state contracts were donors: Four people affiliated with Qk4 Inc., of Louisville, combined to give $8,000; two persons with EA Partners, of Lexington, combined to give $5,000; and seven persons with GRW Engineers, of Lexington, combined to give $5,200.

Who gave

Each of these people and political action committees are listed by In This Together as giving $5,000 during July:

Ann B. Bakhaus, Lexington, president Kentucky Eagle Inc.

Robert M. Beck Jr., Lexington, attorney, Stites & Harbison

GeMonee Brown, Bowling Green

Carpenters Legislative Improvement Council PAC, Washington, D.C.

Rodney Casada, Somerset

Charles J. Coldiron, Somerset, owner, Somerset Hyundai

Clay M. Corman, Nicholasville, owner, CMC Inc.

Timothy Crawford, Corbin, attorney

GAAT IT Inc., Beverly Hills

International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers PAC, Washington, D.C.

Anita P. Johnson, Pikeville, attorney, Law Office of Gary Johnson

Gary Johnson, Pikeville, attorney

Kentucky Hospital Association. PAC, Louisville

Kris Mays, Frankfort

Edward D. Necco, Cincinnati, president of Necco

Ralph J. Palmer, Winchester

Quatro Novarro Productions LLC, Austin

William Ramsey, Pikeville, real estate investor

John W. Ridley, Bowling Green

Anne Sheffer, Louisville, law firm manager, Sheffer & Monhollen

Ronald Sheffer, Louisville, attorney

Frank Shoop, Lexington

Glenn Thomas, Louisville, retired

Patricia B. Todd, Lexington

United Food & Commercial Workers Union PAC, Washington, D.C.

United Auto Workers Voluntary Community Action Program, Detroit

Windstream Holdings Federal PAC, Little Rock

As Attorney General Dan Cameron sought to get the employment records of two University of Louisville physicians who performed abortions at the EMW Women's Surgical Center in Louisville. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Deborah Yetter)

FRANKFORT — The Kentucky Court of Appeals has rejected efforts by the office of the state Attorney General to use a Franklin County grand jury subpoena to get employment records in a case that appears to involve two University of Louisville physicians who performed abortions at EMW Women’s Surgical Center and trained residents at the clinic.

Because the case is sealed, the appeals court decision does not identify the parties by name, using pseudonyms Jane Doe 1 and 2 and the employer, Roe, as those seeking to quash the subpoena.

But the details closely track a dispute that arose in 2022 when Republican lawmakers sought an investigation of whether the public salaries of physicians at U of L overlapped with their work at EMW, which paid them separately.

Sources with knowledge of the case told The Lantern the appeals decision involved the attorney general’s efforts to obtain the physicians’ employment records including personnel files, job descriptions and payroll records from EMW.

The appeals court, in an order issued Friday, rejected those efforts as a “fishing expedition” and said further, that the subpoena filed by former Attorney General Daniel Cameron, is outside the scope of the Franklin County grand jury because the information and records the attorney general sought are from another county.

The matter should be left to prosecutors in the county where the records and activities occurred, the order said.

“While we do not wish to overuse the hackneyed phrase of a ‘fishing expedition,’ we reiterate that the (attorney general) was fishing in the wrong pond,” the order said.

The appeals court upheld the decision of Franklin Circuit Judge Phillip Shepherd to quash the subpoena but ordered the case to remain sealed pending his further review.

Since leaving office at the beginning of this year Cameron has been working as chief executive of 1792 Exchange, a nonprofit that says it aims to “steer public companies back to neutral on divisive, idealogical issues.” He did not respond to requests for comment about the case that Kentucky Lantern sent to that organization on Friday and in a phone message.

Kevin Grout, the spokesman for Attorney General Russell Coleman, who is now handling the case, said “We have received the opinion. We are reviewing it to decide next steps.” Grout declined to respond to questions seeking details about the case.

William Brammell Jr., identified in the opinion as an attorney representing Jane Doe 1, said, “We appreciate and agree with the court’s thoughtful opinion.”

But because the case remains under seal, Brammell said he could make no further comment. Other lawyers representing parties in the case did not respond to requests for comment.

Abortions largely ended in Kentucky after the June 2022 Supreme Court ruling overturning the landmark, 1973 Roe v. Wade decision returned control to the states. Kentucky already had laws on the books banning all or most abortions except in life-threatening circumstances.

GOP lawmakers called for investigation

But some Republican lawmakers had questioned the role of U of L physicians at EMW, citing U of L’s public funding, and called for an investigation.

“If university funds are used for abortion,” said Rep. Jason Nemes, R-Louisville at a legislative hearing in 2022, “the taxpayers ought to know, and the legislature should take that into account when we’re talking about funding the university and other things.”

Nemes and other lawmakers said further investigation was warranted.

Cameron filed a grand jury subpoena in June 2023 seeking payroll and personnel information of the two Jane Does, the appeals opinion said. At the time, Cameron, a Republican, was running for governor against incumbent Gov. Andy Beshear, a Democrat, who won a second term.

Through the subpoena, the attorney general “sought to compare the employees’ records for evidence that unspecified and indirect state funds may have been related to some malfeasance connected with their work,” the opinion said.

In July 2023, the Jane Does and Roe asked the Franklin circuit judge to quash the subpoena and in September, the judge did so, the appeals opinion said

But the judge also unsealed a portion of the record, it said.

The attorney general appealed the decision and asked that the case remain sealed, which the appeals court agreed to do, it said.

Friday’s 23-page opinion is the first public record in the case filed more than a year ago, and said it tries to strike a balance between “the necessary secrecy of grand jury proceedings and the right of the public to know what its government is doing.

“We conclude that the public issuance of this opinion with appropriate pseudonyms for most participants will achieve the proper balance,” it said.

But in its description of the case, the appeals court leaves clues that indicate the conflict pits the Attorney General’s Office against EMW and its doctors. For instance, it states that the doctors have two employers, and the second employer gets a small percentage of its funding from the state.

U of L gets some, though not the majority, of its funding from the state. EMW, a private clinic, received no public funds.

The attorney general had argued it should have access to the information it sought through subpoena because state funds may be involved.

The appeals court rejected that argument, saying of the Jane Does, “They are employees, and their employers, not the Commonwealth, are responsible for their paychecks.”

The Appeals court order is written by Judge Kelly Mark Easton with Judges Glenn Acree and Pamela R. Goodwine concurring in the decision.

It vacates the order by Shepherd, the trial judge, to unseal some of the records in the case and sends the case back to him “for further proceedings on the sealing of the record.”

“All of this court’s record, except for this opinion, will remain sealed recognizing the authority of the circuit court to first decide what, if any, further information should be made public,” the order said.

Abortion ban factors into governor’s race

EMW was one of two Louisville clinics that provided abortions in Kentucky until the U.S. Supreme Court struck down Roe v. Wade and a pair of laws passed by the state’s Republican-controlled General Assembly took effect, banning almost all abortions in Kentucky.

The two laws, one the “trigger law” banning abortion and the other, banning abortions after six weeks — before many women realize they are pregnant — took effect after the high court ruling.

They permit abortions only to save the life of or prevent disabling injury to a patient, with no exceptions for rape or incest — which became a heated issue in Cameron’s unsuccessful run last year for governor against Beshear.

Cameron, an anti-abortion Republican who defended the laws in court, was criticized in a Beshear campaign ad by a young woman who had been raped and impregnated at age 12 by her stepfather and said laws Cameron defended would have forced her to bear the child.

Hadley Duvall, an Owensboro native who is now in her early 20s, told?the Kentucky Lantern last year that she began sharing her story about the sexual abuse she experienced as a child after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022.

She recently went national with her story through a campaign ad supporting President Joe Biden on the same issue. Biden dropped his bid for re-election July 21 and his vice-president and abortion rights advocate Kamala Harris is now seeking the Democratic nomination for president.

In 2020, the conservative Family Foundation of Kentucky questioned U of L’s arrangement with EMW, suggesting public money might be going to fund abortions services.

They called on Cameron to investigate and a spokeswoman for Cameron said at the time he would consider doing so.

The spokeswoman said Cameron was committed to enforcing the state’s laws, “which prohibit the use of public funds for abortions. We will review any information provided to determine whether a further inquiry is warranted.”

At the time, then-U of L President U of L President Neeli Bendapudi firmly rejected such allegations, saying “we comply, not just in this program, but in every program with all federal and state laws.”

Randall Weddle, then a candidate for London mayor, listens as Gov. Andy Beshear helps celebrate the opening of WB Transport's new warehouse in April 2022. (Screenshot with permission of WYMT)

London Mayor Randall Weddle, currently under the scrutiny of Kentucky campaign finance regulators for excess contributions to Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s 2023 reelection efforts, is continuing to make hefty political contributions.

Weddle donated $75,000 on May 1 to the Democratic Governors Association, according to a disclosure that the DGA filed recently with the Internal Revenue Service.

Weddle and his family, employees and business associates generated the largest bundles of political contributions for Beshear’s reelection. An analysis by Kentucky Lantern last year showed Weddle’s group gave at least $305,000 — and probably more — to Beshear’s reelection campaign and the Kentucky Democratic Party in 2022-23.

Beshear campaign, Kentucky Democratic Party return $202,000 linked to London mayor

After Kentucky Lantern’s report, the Beshear campaign and Democratic Party refunded $202,000 to Weddle because — according to Beshear’s campaign manager — that amount of contributions previously reported as being donated by various Weddle relatives and employees had actually been drawn on a credit card belonging to Weddle and his wife Victoria.

It is illegal for any individual to give more than $2,100 to any state campaign committee per election, and illegal for anyone to give more than $15,000 to a state political party. The Kentucky Registry of Election Finance is investigating Weddle’s excess donations.

The controversy over the Weddle contributions for Beshear did not slow down Weddle’s donation pattern last year. He continued to make large political contributions including — with wife Victoria — $75,000 to the Democratic Governors Association (DGA)? in May of 2023.

Many Democratic donors from Kentucky gave to the DGA last year. The DGA’s purpose is to help elect Democrats as state governors, and getting Beshear reelected was the DGA’s priority last year. (The DGA spent more than $19 million on an independent advertising campaign in Kentucky in 2023 aimed at reelecting Beshear.)

Weddle’s contribution of $75,000 this May can’t help Beshear, who is now term-limited, get elected governor again.

And Weddle was not the only big Beshear donor to give to the DGA in the spring.

• Case Coal Sales, of Louisa, a company headed by Todd Case, a massive donor to Beshear’s political committees who was appointed to the University of Kentucky Board of Trustees by Beshear, gave $35,000 on May 8. (Todd Case gave $15,000 to the DGA in the spring of 2023.)
• Jack Dulworth, a Beshear insider who heads the nonprofit company that manages Beshear’s Kentucky Derby tickets and party, gave $15,000 on April 15. (Dulworth also gave $15,000 to DGA in the spring of 2023.)
• Bernie Mason, of Ashland and a principal in MBM Management, gave $15,000 on May 8. (MBM Management also gave $15,000 to the DGA in the spring of 2023.)

There were no similar contributions to the DGA from Beshear’s major Kentucky donors in the six months following his election in 2019, IRS records show.

Weddle did not return a phone message left at the London mayor’s office. The DGA did not return a phone message and emails. The Democratic Party of Kentucky did not return a phone message.

Andy Westberry, communications director for the Republican Party of Kentucky, said, “With all the controversy surrounding the previous illegal campaign contributions, I find it very interesting that Randall Weddle continues to cut these large checks.”

John Steffen, executive director of the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance, said he could not comment on the agency’s investigation beyond saying that it is continuing. He said he did not know when it will conclude.

Earlier this year attorneys for Weddle filed papers with the election registry saying that Weddle put excess contributions on his credit card only because he was assured by a fundraiser for the Beshear campaign that advancing contributions of others in such a way would be fine.

But Eric Hyers, who managed Beshear’s campaign for governor, disputed Weddle’s account of what happened saying that the first the Beshear campaign learned of possible excess contributions by Weddle came in April of 2023 and that the campaign quickly took steps to refund the money to Weddle.

If the election registry ultimately concludes a violation of campaign finance laws occurred it has the authority to impose a $5,000 fine per violation. It also can refer the matter to the state attorney general or local prosecutor for possible criminal violations.

Addiction Recovery Care and its owner Tim Robinson have rebuilt a block in downtown Louisa into a coffee shop, commercial kitchen, community theater and an event space. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Matthew Mueller)

FRANKFORT — The state’s largest provider of drug and alcohol treatment is warning that looming cuts in Medicaid reimbursement to some providers could damage efforts to curb addiction that has engulfed Kentucky — just as the state is showing improvements.

“Kentucky has made significant strides in access to treatment,” Matt Brown, chief administrative officer for Addiction Recovery Care, or ARC, told a legislative committee Tuesday. “With these cuts, it could completely set back addiction treatment in our state 20 years.”

A handful of companies that provide substance use disorder treatment, including ARC,? have been notified they face cuts of 15% to 20% from some private insurers that handle most Medicaid claims, Brown told the committee.

Brown noted that overdose deaths in Kentucky have declined for the past two years after years of rising. Kentucky also has the most treatment beds per resident, most of them through ARC, he said.

The state’s latest?annual overdose report, released in June,?shows a decrease in deaths to 1,984 from 2,200 the year before, a decline of 9.8%.

Brown was joined by Deron Bibb, chief financial officer for Stepworks, a recovery program based in Elizabethtown, and ARC executive John Wilson, also executive director of the Kentucky Association of Independent Recovery Organizations, speaking to the interim joint Health Services Committee about the cuts.

“This will likely result in higher overdose rates, higher recidivism, more crime and incarceration,” Bibb said. “We need to understand the full scope and impact of these cuts.”

The cuts have been announced by three of the six managed care organizations, or MCOs, private insurance companies that handle claims for most of the state’s $16 billion-a-year Medicaid program, Brown said.?

Kentucky lawyer climbed out of alcoholism, launched a recovery boom

Under their contracts with the state, the MCOs generally have authority to set rates they pay providers. The state pays MCOs a fixed amount per member to cover Medicaid costs.

One company also has begun notifying patients it will no longer cover addiction services at ARC effective Sept. 30, Brown said.

He did not identify the MCOs that have announced cuts and declined to do so after the hearing, saying ARC and other companies are still attempting to negotiate with them.

Sen. Stephen Meredith, R-Leitchfield and co-chairman of the health committee, said Tuesday the lawmakers likely would seek more testimony on the subject, including from the MCOs.

“I know there’s two sides to every story,” he said.

Wellcare, with 420,000 members, is the largest of the six MCOs followed by Passport by Molina, Aetna, Anthem, Humana and United HealthCare. Together they oversee payment of Medicaid claims for about 1.4 million Kentuckians.

Recovery CEO gives big to support Democrat Beshear and a host of Republicans

Wilson said the recovery organization he represents wants to make sure lawmakers are aware of the situation and already has asked them to voice concerns.

“There’s going to be real world consequences and I think it’s important to let legislators know what’s taking place,” he said.

Some defenders benefitted from owner’s largesse

Several lawmakers have signed letters urging that the MCOs suspend any cuts to substance use treatment until the General Assembly can further review the matter. They include some in key leadership positions and some who have benefited from campaign donations from ARC founder and owner Tim Robinson and his employees.

ARC, a for-profit company based in Louisa, has emerged as the state’s largest and fastest growing provider of addiction services, financed largely by Medicaid, the government health plan with the majority of funds from the federal government. Growth took off after 2014 when substance use treatment was included in the Medicaid expansion authorized by the Affordable Care Act.

The Lantern reported the company took in about $130 million last year in Medicaid funds and was by far the largest recipient of the about $1.2 billion the state spent on substance use treatment.

The company and Robinson also have become among Kentucky’s major political donors with more than $500,000 in contributions over the last decade — with funds divided among Republican causes and those of Gov. Andy Beshear, a Democrat, the Lantern reported earlier this month, citing campaign finance and other public records.

Sen. Phillip Wheeler, R-Pikeville, who has received $19,900 in contributions from Robinson, his wife Lelia and ARC employees since 2016, on July 9 sent a letter to Kentucky Medicaid Commissioner Lisa Lee urging the cuts for addiction services be suspended “until the legislature fully understands the reasons behind them.”

“Kentucky has made great progress in tackling the addiction crisis that has touched so many of our constituents, neighbors, colleagues, friends and family members,” Wheeler said.?

Cutting reimbursement now “could negatively affect some of our most vulnerable citizens and prevent us from seeing these positive trends continue,” his letter said.

A similar letter addressed to “to whom it may concern” was signed by Rep. Patrick Flannery, R-Olive Hill, who has received about $17,000 in campaign contributions from Robinson and ARC employees.

Another letter was signed jointly by Senate President Robert Stivers, R-Manchester, House Speaker David Osborne, R- Prospect, Rep. Kimberly Moser, R-Taylor Mill and Meredith. Moser and Meredith are co-chairs of the joint Health Services Committee which heard from ARC and other treatment officials Tuesday.

Republican supermajorities control the Kentucky House and Senate.

Robinson has given $10,000 to the Kentucky House Republican Caucus, and $15,000 to the Kentucky Senate Republican Caucus in the last four years.

Robinson also has given other contributions to campaigns of Republican state legislators in the past decade including $4,100 to Moser and $2,000 to Osborne.

From 2021 through 2023, ARC companies and employees gave about $252,000 to a political committee supporting Beshear, whom Robinson, a Republican, has said he admires and would like to see run for president.

Bibb, Stepworks’ chief financial officer, gave $500 to Flannery in December 2023 and $2,500 to the Kentucky House Republican Caucus in October 2022, according to Kentucky Registry of Election Finance records.

Not asking for more money, just no cuts, says company official

Brown said that one concern of the MCOs is the cost of treatment, in particular long-term treatment for addiction.

ARC understands concerns about costs, but experience shows people with addiction benefit the most from long-term services, Brown told the committee.

“It is not just about surviving from their addiction but thriving in their communities,” he said. “Long-term treatment is vital.”

Without quality treatment, costs to the state will rise elsewhere, Bibb said.

“These costs will not go away,” Bibb said. “They simply will shift back to the emergency room, the judicial system, foster care, homelessness.”

ARC is willing to work with the MCOs and the state to ensure it is using money efficiently and effectively, Brown said after the hearing.

“Everybody’s got to be good stewards,” he said. “We’re committed to helping provide a solution.”

Brown and Wilson said representatives of treatment providers plan to meet with MCOs and state officials in coming weeks to try to resolve their differences.

“We’re not asking for more money,” Brown said. “We’re asking for no cuts.”

Wheeler, in an interview, said he appreciates the support of Robinson, a longtime friend since college together at the University of Kentucky, but that’s not why he sent the letter.

Rather he’s concerned about the impact of cuts of up to 20% on ARC’s services, which he said have helped many people in the region including a brother who benefited from its treatment program.

Also, he said, ARC is a major employer in the area where jobs have been scarce and also trains its clients for jobs.

This story has been updated with a statement from the Kentucky Association of Health Plans.

Gov. Andy Beshear's PAC, In This Together, has raised almost a half-million dollars in its first six month. "Forward, Together" was the theme of his second inauguration on Dec. 12, 2024. Beshear was surrounded by family and friends viewing the inaugural parade. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Arden Barnes)

FRANKFORT — Gov. Andy Beshear’s political action committee raised $493,000 in its first six months, but so far it has made few contributions to fulfill its purpose of helping “good people” win closely-contested elections across the country.

Through June 30 the Beshear PAC, named In This Together, has donated only $24,800 to candidates it has endorsed, according to reports the PAC has filed with the Federal Election Commission.

Its largest contribution so far was also its most recent — $12,800 donated on June 20 to NC Democratic Leadership Committee of Raleigh, North Carolina. In the spring, In This Together endorsed North Carolina’s Democratic Attorney General Josh Stein’s campaign for governor, and this donation apparently is intended to help that campaign.

Previously, In This Together reported giving $6,600 to Democratic Sen. Jon Tester of Montana; $3,300 to an Ohio committee supporting Democratic U.S. Sen. Sherrod Brown’s reelection campaign; and $2,100 to Kentucky Court of Appeals Judge Pamela Goodwine’s campaign for Kentucky Supreme Court.

In This Together has reported spending about $107,000 in operating expenses during its first six months — more than four times the amount of its donations. These expenses are for strategy consultants, fundraising consultants, a compliance consultant, legal fees, bank fees, credit card processing fees and costs for running a website.

Most of what the PAC has collected — about $361,000 — remains as cash on hand as of June 30.

Eric Hyers, the PAC’s political strategist who managed Beshear’s successful campaigns for governor in 2019 and 2023, said that from the start the PAC intended to wait until the fall to do most of its spending to help its endorsed candidates in Kentucky and across America. And Hyers said that the PAC will be supporting its endorsed candidates more in the form of independent expenditures than in direct donations to the candidates’ campaigns.

He also said future expenses of the PAC will show travel costs for Beshear to campaign in-person for his endorsed candidates. (So far the PAC has reported spending no money for Beshear travel expenses.)

Hyers said he’s satisfied with the fundraising amount so far. “Fundraising has gone well so far,” he said, adding that he expects to report larger fundraising numbers in the coming months.

Beshear, who cannot seek a third term as governor, created In This Together on Jan. 7. The PAC’s website says it “will support good people and good candidates running for local, statewide and federal office in red or purple states who demonstrate a commitment to leading with empathy and compassion and the backbone to always do what’s right, regardless of politics.”

It is only half of Beshear’s post reelection personal political operation. The other half is an organization called Heckbent Inc. Unlike In This Together which must report its donations and expenses to the FEC, Heckbent is a “dark money” group — a 501 (c)(4) committee which does not disclose names of donors. According to its website, Heckbent ‘s purpose is to advance Beshear’s policy agenda in Kentucky.

Beshear is widely reported as one of several Democratic leaders across the country being considered by Vice President Kamala Harris — the all-but-official Democratic presidential nominee in the wake of President Joe Biden’s sudden exit from the race — as her running mate. It’s unclear what happens with In This Together and Heckbent if Harris picks Beshear.

Here’s a look at who has provided the big dollars so far to In This Together

A Louisville company called Freedom Senior Share LLC made the single largest donation to In This Together — $25,000 on June 28. Freedom Senior Share LLC operates under an assumed name of Freedom Adult Day Healthcare and its website says its purpose is to provide “essential in-home care services as a great alternative to traditional nursing homes.”

Earlier this year, Nachiketa Bhatt, identified in a report filed by In This Together as the managing member of Freedom Adult Day Healthcare, donated $5,000 to In This Together. Bhatt was a major contributor to committees supporting Beshear’s reelection as governor and has been a donor to both Republican and Democratic candidates for the state legislature from Jefferson County.

In February a political action committee based in Louisville called BlueWaveAmerica made a $20,000 contribution to In This Together. The PAC, based in Louisville and headed by? Democratic former U.S. Rep. Mike Ward, has a goal of electing Democrats in rural America with a focus on red and purple states.

In June, a group of Nashville-area donors (12 people and one PAC) gave a combined $32,000. The Courier Journal recently reported that in June Beshear spoke in Nashville at a “Championing Reproductive Freedom” event.

Twenty-five attorneys with the law firm Frost Brown Todd – most of them from the firm’s Louisville office – combined to give $23,650 to In This Together between mid-May and early June.

And Edward Britt Brockman, a big political donor to Beshear’s committees and a Beshear appointee to the University of Kentucky Board of Trustees, is listed by In This Together as giving $10,000 in June.

Here are other big donors. Each is listed by In This Together as having given $5,000:

William Grover Arnett, Salyersville, attorney

Lawrence Benz, Louisville

Jane Beshear, Lexington

Steve Beshear, Lexington, attorney

Campbell Brown, Louisville, chairman, Brown-Forman

Sherman Brown, Louisville, government relations, McCarthy Strategic Solutions

Gregory Bubalo, Louisville, attorney

William Butler, Covington, CEO, Corporex

John Dant, Nashville, president, Log Still Distillery

Ruth Day, Jacksonville Beach, Florida, CIO for Kentucky state government

Christopher Dischinger, Louisville, developer, LDG Inc.

Lisa Dischinger, Louisville, real estate, LDG Inc.

John Dougherty, Louisville

Michael Dudgeon, Midway, owner, Milan Farm LLC

Joe Ellis, Benton, optometrist, Clarkson Eyecare

Frank Garrison, Nashville

Ben Gastel, Nashville, lawyer, HSG Law

Patrick Gaunce, Glasgow

Leslie Geoghegan, Louisville, civic volunteer

Ron Geoghegan, Louisville, McCarthy Strategic Solutions

Gloria for Tennessee, Nashville, TN, $5,000

Jonathan Goldberg, Louisville, attorney, Goldberg & Simpson

Jim Gray, Lexington

Scott Hagan, Louisville, developer, Hagan Properties

Walter Halbleib, Louisville, lawyer, Stites and Harbison

Judith Hanekamp, Masonic Home

Chauncey Hiestand, Louisville, attorney, Winton and Hiestand Law Group

Carrie Hieistand, Louisville

William Hodgkin, Winchester

Kentucky Bankers Assn. PAC, Louisville, $5,000

Jonathan Krebs, Hattiesburg, MS, partner, Horne

Franklin Lassiter, Midway, HealthTech Solutions

Adam Levin, Brentwood, Tennessee, entrepreneur

James R. Martin, Jacksonville Beach, Florida, retired

Michael McGhee, Elkton, president, McGhee Engineering

Jonathan Miller, Lexington, attorney, Frost Brown Todd

McKinnley Morgan, London, attorney, Morgan, Collins, Yeast & Salyer

Keith L. Murt Sr., Paducah, owner, Murtco Inc.

Charlie O’Connor, Versailles, sales, Ashford

Joseph Prather, Louisville, chief medical officer, Baptist Health

Jay Pritzker, Chicago, IL, governor of Illinois

Jonathan Rabinowitz, Versailles, attorney, Morgan and Morgan

Nathan Smith, Ft. Mitchell, CIO, Flagship Communities

Anna Stroble, Ridgeland, Mississippi, partner, Horne

Mark Swartz, Winchester, contractor, Swartz Enterprises

Mike Swartz, Olympia, owner, Mike Swartz Enterprises

Ron Winchell, Las Vegas, Nevada, hospitality, ECL

Jeremy Winton, Louisville

David Whitehouse, Lexington

Bill Wolfe, West Palm Beach, Florida, executive, First Washington Realty

Mark Workman, Paducah, engineer, Bacon Farmer Workman Engineering

Kelly Workman, Paducah

Rendering of the planned addition to the Republican Party of Kentucky headquarters in Frankfort. Architects said they strove for consistency with “the unique and eclectic mix of buildings” in the historic residential neighborhood near the state Capitol. (City of Frankfort)

FRANKFORT? – The Republican Party of Kentucky Building Fund raised another $314,750 in the past three months for its project to expand its state headquarters known as the “Mitch McConnell Building.”

This brings the total raised for the project to more than $3.2 million, with the vast majority of that coming in large contributions from big corporations with lobbying interests in Washington and Frankfort.

Pfizer gives $1 million to Republican Party of Kentucky to expand its headquarters

The building fund reported to the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance this week that its donors during the quarter ending June 30 were: alcoholic beverage producer Beam Suntory, of New York, $100,000; AT&T, of St. Louis, $100,000; Keeneland, of Lexington, $50,000; Barbara R. Banke Revocable Trust, of Geyserville, California, $50,000; National Thoroughbred Racing Association., of Lexington, $12,500.

Also, three prominent Frankfort lobbyists – John McCarthy, Patrick Jennings and Collin Johnson – are listed as donating $750 each.

In the spring the party released its plans to build a 6,800-square-foot building on a vacant lot adjacent to — and connected to — its current headquarters at the corner of Third Street and Capital Avenue in Frankfort. The party plans to begin construction later this year.

The state Republican headquarters is named in honor of Kentucky’s longest-serving U.S. senator, Republican Leader Mitch McConnell.

Wielding the ceremonial scissors, Gov. Andy Beshear helps cut the ribbon on the Yellow Banks Recovery Center in Owensboro. Beshear is flanked by Tim Robinson, founder and CEO of Addiction Recovery Care, third from left in the photo, and Rocky Adkins, senior adviser to Beshear, Aug. 3, 2023. The center was ARC's first in Western Kentucky. (Photo courtesy of ARC)

FRANKFORT — In his State of the Commonwealth speech in January, Gov. Andy Beshear took a moment to address the scourge of addiction in Kentucky, singling out for praise the state’s largest provider of treatment services.

Addiction Recovery Care, or ARC, the Eastern Kentucky-based company — with about 75% of the state’s treatment beds — has grown rapidly over the past decade to dominate the treatment business, financed mostly through Medicaid.

“With us today,” Beshear said, “is Tim Robinson, founder and CEO of ARC, an essential partner in our fight against addiction. … I’m proud to say we now have more treatment beds per capita than any other state in the country.”

But as he worked to open more addiction recovery beds, Robinson was doing something else that surely didn’t hurt his chances of winning such high praise from the governor during the speech televised statewide on KET.

Robinson was donating big to Beshear.

From mid-2021 through the end of 2023 Robinson, his corporations and employees gave at least $252,500 to political committees supporting Beshear, according to Kentucky Lantern’s analysis of online government databases of political contributions.

The donations to Democrat Beshear were a shift in the giving pattern for Robinson, a lifelong and loyal Republican. He even gave big to? Beshear’s opponent in the 2019 governor’s race, Republican incumbent Gov. Matt Bevin.

The Lantern’s analysis shows that — including money contributed to Beshear committees — Robinson, his corporations and employees have made at least $570,000 in political contributions over the past decade as his for-profit company grew from a single halfway house to about 1,800 residential beds and outpatient care for hundreds more clients. That care is mostly financed through Medicaid, the government health plan that expanded care for substance use disorder in 2014.

Except for the money given to Beshear political committees, virtually all of the rest went to Republicans like Bevin, Attorney General Russell Coleman, U.S. Rep. Hal Rogers and candidates for the Kentucky legislature.

In an interview Robinson explained, “I’ve never been for anybody like I’ve been for Andy Beshear,” saying that of all the public officials he has met, Beshear has a unique ability to bring people together.

“I hope he runs for president,” Robinson said. “I’m a Republican and I don’t care who sees that.”

Total giving: $570,838

The Lantern found 266 contributions totaling $570,838 over the past decade from Robinson, his companies and his employees listed in online databases of the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance, Federal Election Commission, and the Internal Revenue Service.

Of that total, Robinson made 92 contributions totaling $262,405. (Included here are a few donated by his wife Lelia.)

A huge share of the donations — $216,050? — came from Robinson corporations.

And the remaining $92,383 came in scores of mostly small contributions from officials and employees of Robinson’s companies primarily Addiction Recovery Care, the Kentucky Lantern analysis shows.

Robinson said that the total of more than $570,000 “seems high to me.” But he added, “Whatever the record is, the record is.”

Robinson, a recovering alcoholic who grew up poor, said he has no compunctions about his political donations, after years of struggling financially to build ARC from a single halfway house to a statewide network of treatment centers with an annual revenue of about $130 million a year.

Biggest share to Beshear

Kentucky Lantern’s analysis showed that Robinson employees began donating relatively small amounts to Beshear’s campaign committee at the very outset of his reelection campaign in late 2021.

Before the election was over, Robinson and his employees and a small political action committee he funded donated $26,525 to the Beshear campaign, the Kentucky Democratic Party and other political committees backing Beshear.??

That’s a modest amount, but what made Robinson a major donor to Beshear were the larger contributions his corporations made to the Democratic Governors Association. The corporations — primarily London Valu-Rite Pharmacy — donated $197,000 to the Democratic Governors Association (DGA) in 2022 and 2023.

The DGA financed a $19 million independent campaign last year to reelect Beshear. The DGA is a tax-exempt 527 organization that can accept contributions of unlimited amounts from people, corporations or labor unions.

Robinson said he gives through companies he controls, including the pharmacy and health clinic, for the obvious reason that there is no legal limit on how much a donor can give to such groups. (State and federal law limit how much a person can give to a candidate for statewide office per election to $2,100 and limit to $15,000 how much a person can give to a state political party. Corporations are forbidden from contributing to a campaign for state office or to a state political party.)

Robinson giving to Beshear political causes continued last December when Robinson gave $29,000 to the committee that paid for Beshear’s inauguration celebration. Inaugural committees are allowed to take contributions of unlimited amounts and Robinson’s is the largest contribution by any individual to Beshear’s inaugural committee.

?Support for Russell Coleman, Republicans

The biggest Republican beneficiary of Robinson contributions in the last election cycle has been Attorney General Russell Coleman, who now holds an office that is second only to the governor in setting and enforcing policy in Kentucky’s fight to reduce substance abuse and addiction.

Robinson, his corporations and employees gave at least $37,700 to Coleman political committees since late 2022.

Robinson gave $10,416 to a super PAC supporting Coleman called Safer Kentucky in late 2023. He also gave $6,000 to the committee that financed Coleman’s inauguration celebration.

His London Valu-Rite Pharmacy also donated $10,000 in 2023 to the Safer Kentucky PAC. Contributions from Robinson and his employees to Coleman’s campaign bring the total contributions from the Robinson group to Coleman to about $37,700.

Robinson said he has known Coleman for years, respects Coleman’s background as a U.S attorney and FBI agent, and agrees with Coleman’s stance on policy and enforcement.

“I went to law school with Russell. He and I have been friends since then,” Robinson said. “I think he’s probably the most qualified person we’ve ever had as attorney general.”

Kentucky Lantern’s analysis shows Robinson has supported many Republicans through the past decade.

Besides his big support for Bevin in 2019 and Coleman in 2023, he has long been a donor to the political committees of U.S. Rep. Hal Rogers. He regularly donates to the Republican caucuses of the Kentucky House and Senate as well as individual Republicans running for seats in the General Assembly.

He and his employees have been particularly persistent donors who have provided a strong and reliable flow of campaign dollars to three eastern Kentucky legislators: Sen. Phillip Wheeler of Pikeville, Rep. Patrick Flannery of Olive Hill? and Rep. Danny Bentley, of Russell.

And recent contributions show that for the first time Robinson is reaching beyond Kentucky’s borders. Early this year he and ARC employees gave at least $20,000 to a political committee of Patrick Morrisey, West Virginia’s attorney general and Republican nominee for governor in this fall’s election.

Rendering of the planned addition to the Republican Party of Kentucky headquarters in Frankfort. Architects said they strove for consistency with "the unique and eclectic mix of buildings” in the historic residential neighborhood near the state Capitol. (City of Frankfort)

FRANKFORT — The Republican Party of Kentucky plans to expand its headquarters in Frankfort by adding a 6,800 square foot building designed to look like a “separate residential structure.”

The new building will be built on a vacant lot adjacent to the current headquarters at Third Street and Capital Avenue. In addition to new office and meeting space it will include an auditorium that will seat 160 people. A one-story enclosed corridor will connect it with the rear of the current headquarters.

Frankfort’s Architectural Review Board approved the design plans on Tuesday, clearing the way for the RPK to seek a building permit and begin construction.

RPK spokesman Andy Westberry said no target date has been set for a groundbreaking, but he said he expected construction to begin later this year.

Kentucky Lantern first reported in January of 2023 that the RPK was planning a major addition to what is known as the Mitch McConnell Building, and that it was being paid for with large donations from big corporations.

McConnell, Kentucky’s longest-serving U.S. senator and the Senate’s longest-serving party leader, is known for his opposition to legal limits on political money and his fundraising prowess. He’s also credited with building Kentucky’s Republican Party.

Reports filed by the party with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance show that through the end of March the fund drive had raised $2.9 million. The largest donor was the pharmaceutical giant Pfizer Inc., which gave $1 million. The second largest was NWO Resources, a small Ohio gas distribution utility, which gave $500,000. The president and director of NWO Resources is James Neal Blue, who is also chief executive and chairman of the General Atomics Corp., a defense contractor.

State law caps how much a person can give to a political party in Kentucky, and corporation contributions to candidates and most political committees are illegal. But a 2017 state law allowed Kentucky’s two political parties to establish building funds which could accept corporation donations of unlimited amounts.

Design plans for the project by Stengel-Hill Architecture, of Louisville, were sent to city planning officials last month. The project will more than double the headquarters’ size.?

Pfizer gives $1 million to Republican Party of Kentucky to expand its headquarters

“The current design reflects our efforts to focus on the appearance of the addition from West Third Street in a manner that is consistent with the unique and eclectic mix of buildings” in the historic residential neighborhood near the state Capitol, the architect explained in a cover letter.

The city notified owners of property adjacent to or near the project of the plans. None of the neighbors responded with objections and no one spoke against the project at the board meeting Tuesday.

Besides the two top donors listed above, other corporations that are paying for the RPK’s expanded headquarters are: Metropolitan Life Insurance, New York, $300,000; Verizon, Washington, D.C., $300,000; AT&T, St. Louis, $200,000; Boeing Company PAC, Arlington, Virginia, $100,000; Churchill Downs, Louisville, $100,000; Altria (parent company of Philip Morris USA), Richmond, Virginia, $100,000; Microsoft Corporation, Reno, $100,000; Comcast Corporation, Philadelphia, $100,000; Delta Air Lines Inc., Atlanta, $50,000; The Jockey Club, New York, N.Y., $50,000.

About 900 companies, trade associations and other groups registered to lobby during the 2024 session of the Kentucky legislature held at the Capitol in Frankfort. Their combined spending was roughly $1 million higher than the previous record set the year before. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Arden Barnes)

FRANKFORT — Legislation affecting power plant retirements helped drive spending to lobby the Kentucky legislature to a new high of $12.4 million during the 2024 session.

A bill that created new hurdles for utilities that want to retire power plants fired by fossil fuels spurred investor-owned utilities and power cooperatives to spend much more than usual in trying to influence state legislators.

The Kentucky Association of Electric Cooperatives ranked third in lobbying spending during the session at $129,400, and LG&E and KU Energy came in fourth at $123,400, according to Kentucky Lantern’s review of reports filed with the Legislative Ethics Commission covering the period of Jan. 1 through April 30.

Kentucky Senate advances bill creating new hurdles for utilities to retire power plants

Duke Energy came in eighth place at $100,600 while East Kentucky Power Cooperative ranked 11th at $85,000.

About 900 companies, trade associations and other groups registered to lobby during the 2024 session, ethics commission records show. And the combined spending of those groups was roughly $1 million higher than the previous record spent lobbying during the 2023 session.

The top spender of all in this year’s session was the Kentucky Chamber of Commerce, which lobbies scores of bills affecting business each year and is always at or near the top in lobbying spending. For the 2024 session it reported spending $201,300. Among its top priorities this year were budget bills designed to keep the legislature on track to continue lowering the state income tax.

Greater Louisville Inc., the chamber of of commerce for the state’s largest metropolitan area, is also a top lobby spender every year and in the 2024 session if ranked seventh at $104,900.

But the distinctive characteristic of the list of top lobbying groups for this year’s session is that utilities spent more.

The main reason for that was Senate Bill 349 that created a new commission — with significant fossil fuel industry representation — to review a utility’s plan to retire a power plant fired by fossil fuels before that plan could be presented to the state’s official utility regulator, the Kentucky Public Service Commission.

The investor-owned utilities opposed the bill. The member-owned cooperatives supported it.

SB 349 passed both chambers and was later vetoed by Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear who said it was the wrong approach to helping assure a reliable supply of electricity to Kentucky homes and businesses. But Republican supermajorities in the House and Senate easily overrode Beshear’s veto.

Frankfort commission voices support for city utility as state senator pushes to sell its telecom

Another big spender in this year’s session was newcomer Frankfort Plant Board, which ranked 12th in lobby spending at $81,000 — all spent to successfully defeat legislation unveiled last December by Sen. Gex Williams, R-Verona, that in its original form would have forced the board to sell its telecommunications services to a private company.

The American Civil Liberties Union of Kentucky was the second highest spender on the list. It reported spending $150,700 through the first four months of the year. Its priorities included opposition to House Bill 5, the Safer Kentucky Act, which will increase criminal penalties and create new crimes including street camping. The ACLU also opposed? bills banning diversity, equity and inclusion programs in public schools and universities.

Pharmaceutical Care Management Assn., of Washington, reported spending $102,700 with most of that spent on advertising in opposition to legislation that tightened regulations on pharmacy benefit managers.

What to know about the certificate of need debate in Kentucky

Others in the top 10 in lobby spending this year were:

• Kentucky League of Cities, which reported spending $109,100.
• Kentucky Hospital Assn., $105,500, whose lobbying efforts included successfully opposing legislation that would have loosened certificate of need requirements on health care providers.
• Altria Client Services, the parent company of Philip Morris USA, $99,920, which lobbied for new restrictions on vape retailers enacted by the legislature and signed by Beshear.

Here is a list of the companies, associations and other groups that reported spending the most on lobbying expenses during the first four months of 2024, according to updated data posted Monday on the ethics commission website.

Nearly 90 percent of the total spending was on compensation for lobbyists, according to the ethics commission website.

Following the list of top lobby spenders is a list of individual lobbyists who received the most in lobbying fees. The ethics commission website shows that there are slightly more than 700 registered lobbyists. Each of those on the list below is a contract lobbyist who represents numerous clients. The list shows the total number of clients represented by the lobbyist and three of the lobbyists’ larger clients.

Groups that spent the most lobbying

Kentucky Chamber of Commerce, Frankfort, business ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$201,292

ACLU of Kentucky, Louisville, non-profit ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $150,726

Kentucky Association of Electric Cooperatives, Louisville, utility ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $129,416

LG&E and KU Energy, Louisville, utility ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $123,427

Kentucky League of Cities, Lexington, city governments ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$109,113

Kentucky Hospital Assn., Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $105,490

Greater Louisville Inc., Louisville, business ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$104,900

Pharmaceutical Care Management Assn., Washington, pharmacy issues ? $102,693

Duke Energy, Cincinnati, utility ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $100,577

Altria (Philip Morris USA), Richmond, VA , tobacco? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$99,920

East Kentucky Power Cooperative, Winchester, utility ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $85,634

Frankfort Plant Board, Frankfort, utility ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$81,032

Kentuckians For The Commonwealth, London, non-profit ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $79,318

Elevance Health (Anthem), Louisville, insurance ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$78,946

Kentucky Retail Federation, Frankfort, retail stores ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $77,900

Kentucky Justice Assn., Frankfort, justice issues ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $67,141

Kentucky Education Assn., Frankfort, teachers? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$65,181

Kentucky Primary Care Assn., Frankfort, health care ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$64,138

Americans for Prosperity, Louisville, conservative advocacy group ? ? ? ? ? $62,788

Kentucky Medical Assn., Louisville, doctors ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$62,439

?Top paid lobbyists

Patrick Jennings, ?$366,209, representing?72 clients including Kentucky Hospital Assn., AT&T, American Fuel and Petrochemical Manufacturers.

Bob Babbage, $333,500, 48 clients including MCGlobal Holdings, Underdog Fantasy, ROBLOX.

Stephen Huffman, $323,700, 25 clients including Keeneland, Revolutionary Racing, Red Mile.

John McCarthy, $281,454,?108 clients including Churchill Downs, Altria, Netsmart

Ronald Pryor, $242,795, 11 clients including HCA Healthcare, Kentucky Hospital Assn., LifePoint Health.

Sean Cutter, $238,805, 60 clients including Google, Kinder Morgan Energy, RAI Services.

James M. Higdon, $223,494,?60 clients including Unite US, Centigix, YDK! Action.

Kelley Abell, $223,069, 26 clients including Brightspring Health, Dish Network, Ky. Assn. of Adult Day Centers.

Jason Bentley, $218,311, 55 clients including Kinder Morgan Energy, RAI Services, Ky Distillers Assn.

Katherine Hall, $218,064, 70 clients including Ky. Assn. of Health Care Facilities, Necco, Satoshi Action Fund.

Chris Nolan, $214,699, 58 clients including Good Rx, Humana, Ascend Elements.

Jason Underwood, $206,200, 8 clients including Enervenue, United Healthcare, Airbnb.

Laura Owens, $183,250, 34 clients including Archer Gaming, Baptist Health, Cooper Surgical.

Amy Wickliffe,?$176,512, 94 clients including Churchill Downs, Al J. Schneider Co., Kentucky American Water.

Mike Biagi, $166,236, 19 clients including Kentucky Downs, Appalachian Regional Health, Ky. Credit Union League.

Trey Grayson, $160,150, 28 clients including Secure Elections Project, Academic Partnerships LLC, Kentucky Competes.

Dustin Miller, $151,587, 26 clients including Elevance Health, Ky. Consumer Finance Assn., Altria.

John Cooper, $144,514, 22 clients including Ky. Bankers Assn., Ky. Medical Assn., Toyota.

Timothy Corrigan, $141,336, 23 clients including Dow Chemical, Continental Refining, Outfront Media.

Rebecca Hartsough, $136,800, 41 clients including Grant Ready Ky., Novo Nordisk, SidePrize LLC.

Kentucky Senate President Robert Stivers has raised $500,000 in campaign contributions, some of which he is sharing with other Republican candidates. Stivers is running unopposed. (LRC Public Information)

FRANKFORT — Since no one challenged him for reelection this year, Senate President Robert Stivers has used his overstuffed campaign fund as a sort of personal political action committee that makes political contributions of its own and has paid other expenses including nearly $10,000 for a dinner party to thank his donors and supporters at a posh Louisville restaurant.

The Manchester Republican who has presided over the Senate since 2013 launched an early fundraising push last fall while Kentucky’s political world was focused on the governor’s race. Stivers raised more than a half million dollars as traditional Republican donors, race track gambling companies, highway contractors and other special interests lined up to donate to the Kentucky General Assembly’s most powerful member.

Republicans who got contributions from Stivers’ reelection committee:

Chris McDaniel, Ryland Heights, Senate 23rd District, $2,000

Jason Howell, Murray, Senate 1st District, $2,000

Johnnie Turner, Baxter, Senate 29th District, $2,000

Steve Meredith, Leitchfield, Senate 5th District, $2,000

Ed Gallrein, Shelbyville, Senate 7th District, $2,000

Matt Nunn, Sadieville, Senate 17th District, $2,000

David Givens, Greensburg, Senate 9th District, $2,000

Steve West, Paris, Senate 27th District, $2,000

Kim Moser, Taylor Mill, House 64th District, $2,000

Michael Meredith, Oakland, House 19th District, $2,000

Ed Massey, Hebron, House 66th District, $2,000

Tom O’Dell Smith, Gray, House 86th District, $2,000

Killian Timony, Nicholasville, House 45th District, $2,000

Timmy Truett, McKee, House 89th District, $1,000

Richard Heath, Mayfield, House 2nd District, $2,000

Note: Stivers’ report lists two contributions of $2,000 each to Steve Meredith. This is an apparent erroneous double entry because $2,100 is the limit for contributions to a candidate for state legislature.

The huge campaign war chest helped scare off any challengers, and the Jan. 5 deadline passed with no one filing to run against Stivers in this year’s election, leaving him about $500,000 with no race to run.

Reports filed by Stivers’ campaign committee with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance (KREF) show that from the first of the year through Wednesday it has spent about $62,500. Only $3,690 of that went to basic campaign costs like printing, postage and website design.

Most of the spending was for political contributions —including $29,000 in late April to candidates from the traditional wing of the Republican Party who face challengers in the May 21? primary.

Stivers amends his report

Kentucky Lantern’s initial review of Stivers’ disclosures also found some large unexplained reimbursements to Stivers.

Stivers’ report originally listed three payments to Stivers on Feb. 24 totaling $9,744. The purpose listed for each of the payments was? simply “Reimbursement” without the required explanation of what the reimbursement was for.

Stivers said in a phone interview Thursday afternoon that he thought his reports had included full explanations for all expenses and reimbursements. He said that the $9,744 was for a celebratory dinner in Louisville to thank his supporters and donors after no one had filed to run against him.

“We have all the documents and receipts,” he told theLantern. “If we need to we will file an amended report.”

That’s just what Stivers did later Thursday. The amended report says the $9,744 paid to Stivers was for “Reimbursement For Dinner For Donors And Supporters At Hotel Distil/Restaurant Repeal.”

The Repeal restaurant bills itself as “Whiskey Row’s only oak-fired steakhouse” that offers “an award-winning menu” and “internationally acclaimed wine list.”

Stivers insisted that he was never trying to obscure that his campaign paid for a fancy celebration. “I have nothing to hide.” He likened the dinner expense to the cost a candidate might incur to rent a hotel ballroom on election night to celebrate a victory. “This was a normal campaign expense.”

He also bristled at the suggestion that his campaign committee has become something of a political slush fund. “No. ‘Slush fund’ has an illegal connotation. This is not illegal. . . .? These are normal expenses, I’ve done it in the past.”

Stivers said making political contributions, or making donations to local civic organizations, sponsoring a sports team or club at a local school, giving dinners or gifts to supporters are all true political expenses that establish loyalty from supporters and goodwill in the community.

“It’s good politics. I want to thank them,” he said.

Here’s a closer look at what Kentucky Lantern’s review of Stivers’ campaign finance reports shows.

A windfall of contributions last fall

Between Sept. 21 and Dec. 6 last year Stivers raised about $510,000 — an extraordinarily large amount for a state legislator. The windfall included donations from 82 special interest PACs totaling about $100,000.

Gambling interests gave big: Officials of Churchill Downs gave $16,350, officials of Kentucky Downs in Franklin gave a bit more — $16,800.

Longtime donors to establishment incumbent Republicans gave: Terry Forcht, head of Forcht Bank in Corbin and other businesses, gave the maximum contribution allowed — $2,100. At least 16 officials of? Forcht’s companies gave another $20,000.

Alliance Resource Partners CEO Joe Craft and his wife Kelly Craft each gave $2,100. The Alliance PAC gave $2,000.

Spending: Reimbursements to Stivers

The biggest payee so far this year has been Stivers himself. The campaign has reimbursed him $11,547 since the start of the year including a total of $9,944 to pay for the dinner party at Repeal. (That includes the initially undisclosed $9,744 plus another $200 that was fully disclosed in Stivers’ initial reports.)

Besides that big dinner’s cost, reports list $1,874 in additional reimbursements to Stivers when he picked up the tab for supporters, donors and friends. Here’s the list:

• $995 for “Gifts of Breakfast Meats for Supports And Donors”
• $210 for “Breakfast For Supporters”
• $139? for “Chick-Fila Lunch for Staff”
• $167 for “Lunch For Clay County Students At Capital Annex Café”
• $100 for an April 30 for “Dinner With Owsley Co. Officials And Supporters.”

Civic and charitable donations – $1,500

The campaign lists five payments as sponsorships, purchases of advertising, or donations to the following groups since Jan. 1: $1,000 to Oneida Tourism, $250 to Oneida Outdoor Adventures, $100 to Shriners, $50 to “CCMS”, and $100 to Owen County High School.

Political donations – $44,000

Early this year his campaign gave $5,000 to the Kentucky House Republican Caucus Committee, $5,000 to the Senate Republican Caucus Committee, and $5,000 to a state Republican Party trust dedicated to electing the party’s state Senate candidates.

And in the last two weeks his campaign reported making 15 contributions totaling $29,000 to candidates for the Kentucky House and Senate who do face opposition this year. Those donations went mostly to incumbent Republican members of the Kentucky Senate and House and challengers who could be described as more traditional Republicans rather than candidates of the so-called “liberty” faction of the party.

Stivers’ campaign committee reported on Wednesday it still has $406,921 on hand.

Gov. Andy Beshear, left, chats with quarterback Patrick Mahomes of the Kansas City Chiefs and Brittany Mahomes at the 149th running of the Kentucky Derby at Churchill Downs on May 6, 2023 in Louisville. (Photo by Rob Carr/Getty Images)

FRANKFORT —? Unlike his predecessors, Gov. Andy Beshear has declined to identify friends and political supporters who buy prime tickets to the Kentucky Derby made available by Churchill Downs each year for the governor’s guests.

The Louisville racetrack sets aside large numbers of Derby tickets for sale at face value to Kentucky elected officials, including hundreds to the governor’s group — many of them coveted hard-to-get prime seats.?

One purpose is to allow the state’s chief executive to entertain corporate executives considering investments in the Bluegrass State on that one day of the year when Kentucky shines in the national spotlight.

News articles about this time-honored practice over the past 25 years emphasized that Churchill Downs set aside far more tickets for the governor’s group than are needed by the state’s official corporate guests.?

Over those years, when asked by reporters, Beshear’s four immediate predecessors — including his father Gov. Steve Beshear — withheld the names of the official economic development guests but released lists of names of others who were able to buy the tickets from the governor’s batch. In each case, many of the tickets wound up in the hands of political donors, lobbyists and other supporters.

Those governors took some heat from ethics watchdogs who questioned why Churchill Downs — a major political contributor and potent lobbying presence in Frankfort — needed to give the governor control over enough hard-to-get tickets to take care of his friends.

But Beshear’s office says it has no lists of friends and supporters who got those tickets last year. Like his predecessors, Beshear has set-up a nonprofit corporation to broker his ticket allotment and manage his Derby events “for the promotion of economic development in the Commonwealth of Kentucky.”?

Beshear’s nonprofit — called First Saturday in May Inc. —? declined to say how many tickets it purchased from Churchill last year and declined to release records showing who it sold those tickets to.

Churchill Downs failed to respond to questions emailed to it by Kentucky Lantern and numerous follow-up emails and phone calls.?

Though Kentucky Lantern had no luck in learning from Beshear who bought tickets from his allotment in 2023, other public records show that a large number of tickets from the governor’s batch may have been purchased by his political supporters in the Democratic Governors Association.

‘Why are you not letting us know…?’

Norman Ornstein, an authority on ethics in government and emeritus scholar at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington, said he has no serious problem with the underlying story of Churchill Downs setting aside so many tickets for the governor’s group.

“My only question now would be: Why are you not letting us know what other governors have let us know?”? Ornstein said in a phone interview.

Delaney Marsco, director of ethics at the Washington-based Campaign Legal Center, had a similar observation. “If this sort of information is not released it raises an appearance that something nefarious may be going on,” Marsco said.

Demand for good Derby tickets exceeds supply, even as the face-value cost of tickets has soared in recent years.?

Doug Dearen, owner of DerbyBox.com a Kentucky Derby tour, travel package and ticketing business, explains on his company’s website, “Horsemen, corporations, families and government have had Kentucky Derby tickets in their possession for over 130 years, which makes this one of the most difficult tickets to obtain in all of sports.”

As such, many Derby fans must go online to the secondary market to buy tickets at prices set by sellers. (A Courier-Journal story on Monday said Ticketmaster listed the prices of reserved Derby seats that day “starting at $923 and selling upward of $10,781.”)

But six news articles over the past 25 years (by The Courier-Journal, Lexington Herald-Leader or Associated Press) reported that many friends of the governors over that era got their tickets at face value from the governor’s batch.

Those articles say that the practice of past governors has been — upon request of a reporter — to release the number of tickets allotted to him and the names of those who bought them. They released the names soon after the Derby arguing that any list of names released before the Derby was preliminary and subject to last minute changes. Also, news articles show Beshear’s predecessors declined to release names of the official corporate guests on the grounds that doing so could damage prospective negotiations.

Those news articles reported that Churchill sold as many as 553 tickets to the governors group while Paul Patton was governor in 1999, and as few as 237 in 2016 under Matt Bevin. In between, the number was about 360 tickets.

Kentucky Lantern filed a request under the Open Records Act with the governor’s office in August for documents showing the names of who got tickets for the 2023 Derby from the governor’s batch.

The response of Beshear’s office was the opposite of his predecessors: Beshear’s office released documents showing names of 38 official corporate guests of the state’s economic development and tourism agencies in 2023. But it said it had no lists of names of anyone else who bought the 2023 Derby tickets.

First Saturday in May, Inc.

Detailed information about who buys tickets from the governor’s batch is retained by First Saturday in May Inc. But its treasurer, Melinda Karns, refused Kentucky Lantern’s request to review its records that would show how many tickets it got in 2023 and who bought them.

Karns, a Lexington certified public accountant who is also treasurer of the Kentucky Democratic Party and was treasurer of Beshear’s campaigns for attorney general and governor, did release the group’s most recent tax return (Form 990) for its fiscal year ending Sept. 30, 2022. (That form showed annual revenues in 2021-22 of $820,057 and expenses of $758,531. But no names of Derby ticket buyers or donors to the nonprofit are on that form.)

In response to emails that pressed for specifics, Karns said in an email, “The Form 990 that we have provided to you shows the amount of money spent by the First Saturday in May on the Kentucky Derby. Additional tickets to the Kentucky Oaks and Kentucky Derby were privately purchased from Churchill Downs by the First Saturday in May at no expense to the Commonwealth.”

Democratic Governors Association

A disclosure report the Democratic Governors Association filed with the Internal Revenue Service last year shows that it apparently purchased many of those additional tickets.

The report shows that in early 2023 it paid $209,608 to First Saturday in May Inc. for “catering facilities.”

The Democratic Governors Association is a well-heeled national political fund dedicated to electing Democratic governors. The group’s priority last year was to reelect Beshear. It donated a massive $19 million to a super PAC called Defending Bluegrass Values that financed an independent campaign that helped Beshear win reelection in November over Republican Daniel Cameron.

DGA spokesman Sam Newton declined to say what exactly the DGA bought from First Saturday in May for $209,608. His emailed response to a question asking if the payment was for Derby tickets was that the money was for “a very successful event at the Kentucky Derby” that the DGA had hosted for several years.

Barren County boo-boo

The DGA’s involvement with Beshear’s 2023 Derby festivities briefly surfaced during the governor’s race last summer, causing some embarrassment to Beshear, the DGA, and especially for the Glasgow Barren County Industrial Development Economic Authority.

A disclosure form the DGA filed with the IRS listed the authority as a donor of $12,500, and that donation was included in news stories about donors to the DGA.

Officials of the authority board said during their August meeting that the donation was a mistake. The authority is partly taxpayer funded and barred from making political contributions, the authority’s chairman said.

Board member Larry Glass took responsibility. According to several news reports, Glass said he was approached by a person with connections to the Beshear administration and asked if he would be interested in representing Barren County at the governor’s Derby events where he could network with executives considering investment in Kentucky.

Glass said he was personally not interested, but suggested that it would be good for the board’s executive director to attend. Glass said he personally paid $12,500 to the authority — the cost for the executive director and her husband to attend the governor’s Derby Eve party, the Kentucky Oaks on the day before the Derby, and the Derby. The authority, in turn, wrote a $12,500 check to the DGA.

Glass told the Lexington Herald-Leader it was a mistake to funnel the money through the authority instead of paying the DGA himself. He said he could not remember who from the Beshear administration had approached him, but said he was not pressured to make the donation, the Herald-Leader reported.

The DGA later refunded the $12,500 to the authority, and an authority official said that amount was in turn refunded to Glass.

Republicans winning race for Churchill political dollars

Churchill Downs is a very big donor to political committees, and it backed Beshear’s reelection in a big way. More than 40 of its officials and employees combined to contribute $85,500 to Beshear’s reelection committees, and Churchill itself gave $275,000 last year to the DGA.

But Churchill and its executives have given far more to Republicans than Democrats in recent years, particularly to committees supporting incumbent Republican state legislators. And support of the Republican lawmakers was crucial in 2023 when the General Assembly passed a sports betting bill favorable to Kentucky’s racetracks and a bill to ban a game proliferating in parts of Kentucky — called a “gray” machine by opponents — that race tracks saw as illegal competition.?

This year alone Churchill has donated $200,000 to a political action committee called Commonwealth Conservative Coalition that is supporting mainstream Republican candidates for the legislature against their “liberty” opponents in upcoming ?primary elections. Also this year, Churchill has donated $100,000 to the Republican Party of Kentucky’s fund drive to renovate its headquarters in Frankfort.

Yes, other officials have access to Derby tickets

Churchill Downs has long made tickets available for sale to not just the governor, but also to all 138 state legislators, the statewide elected officials other than the governor, Kentucky’s members of the U.S. House and Senate and Louisville’s mayor.

Kentucky House Speaker David Osborne, a Prospect Republican, said each state legislator is given the opportunity to buy a box of six Derby seats. He sees no problem with the practice. “It’s the premier annual event in Kentucky and people expect state leaders to be there,” Osborne said. “… A more common reaction I get from people is that they are surprised to learn that we have to buy the tickets.”

Sen. Mitch McConnell is raking in less money for his reelection campaign than at this time four years ago. But he is sitting on a comfy $8 million cushion. (Getty Images)

Jeff Yass, the Pennsylvania billionaire and major investor in the parent company of TikTok, contributed $8 million last month to a super PAC affiliated with U.S. Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky.

The super PAC is called Protect Freedom PAC, and a report it filed with the FEC on Wednesday says Yass gave the $8 million on March 31.

Yass has bankrolled Protect Freedom since it was created in 2017 by former Paul campaign operatives to support conservative candidates across the country. (The recent $8 million brings to about $30 million the total that Yass has given to Protect Freedom, about 80% of all receipts during the lifetime of Protect Freedom.)

Yass, like Paul, espouses a libertarian style of conservatism. And, besides Protect Freedom, the primary beneficiaries of his past political donations have been the big anti-tax PAC Club for Growth and super PACs that support Yass’ favorite cause of school choice. Kentuckians will be voting in November on an amendment ending the state Constitution’s ban on spending public money on nonpublic schools, potentially paving the way for charter schools and private school vouchers.

On Wednesday Bloomberg first reported the $8 million contribution to Protect Freedom in a story that noted that Yass’ political contributions are getting close scrutiny now because Yass holds a 15% stake in TikTok’s China-based parent company ByteDance as Congress debates whether TikTok should be banned in the United States.

And since that debate began about a year ago, Yass made his first contributions to Congressional Leadership Fund, a super PAC dedicated to electing Republicans to the U.S. House. FEC records show Yass gave $10 million in the last half of 2023 to Congressional Leadership Fund. He also is the biggest donor to a political committee of U.S. House Speaker Mike Johnson — contributing $250,000 to Johnson Leadership Fund in December.

During his last year in office, former-President Donald Trump tried to ban TikTok unless it was sold to a U.S. owner, saying that data collected by TikTok threatened to give the Chinese Communist Party access to “personal and proprietary” information about Americans.

But Trump reversed his position in March and now opposes banning TikTok. His reversal came just days after a meeting with Yass. Trump has since said in an interview with MSNBC that he and Yass did not discuss TikTok during their meeting.

Kentucky Lantern emailed questions about the recent $8 million donation Thursday morning to Protect Freedom PAC and to the Pennsylvania trading firm headed by Yass, Susquehanna International Group. Neither immediately replied.

Bloomberg lists Yass as the 32nd wealthiest person in the world, worth $41 billion. He is also the largest political donor in the United States, according to the website Open Secrets which in February reported Yass made $46.7 million in political donations during the 2023-24 election cycle. The March 31 contribution would raise that total to $54.7 million.

Protect Freedom was founded in 2017 by former members of Rand Paul’s campaigns. Its website prominently displays a photo of Paul and says it exists for “the purpose of supporting pro-freedom and liberty-minded candidates.”

It has run independent advertising campaigns supporting candidates for the U.S. House and Senate across the country. And last year it spent at least $2.4 million on promoting the election of Republican Daniel Cameron as Kentucky governor, according to records filed with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance. Cameron lost that race to Democratic incumbent Gov. Andy Beshear.

More recently, Protect Freedom donated $500,000 in February to an Ohio super PAC called Buckeye Values that ran a campaign to support Bernie Moreno in the recent Republican primary for the U.S. Senate in Ohio. Buckeye Values sponsored a rally for Moreno attended by Trump’s three days before the election. Moreno won that primary over two candidates backed by Ohio’s establishment Republicans.

And Protect Freedom’s recent report filed with the FEC shows that in March it spent about $181,000 to promote three conservative Republican candidates that have publicly been endorsed by Rand Paul: Cameron Hamilton, of Virginia; Stewart Jones, of South Carolina; and Rick Becker, of North Dakota.

Protect Freedom’s recent report to the FEC shows that as of March 31 (after the $8 million contribution from Yass) it has a cash balance of about $10 million.

The sign outside the Frankfort headquarters of the Republican Party of Kentucky. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Tom Loftus)

FRANKFORT — Churchill Downs contributed $100,000 and The Jockey Club gave $50,000 earlier this year to the Republican Party of Kentucky’s fund drive to renovate and expand its party headquarters in Frankfort.

The two recent contributions are listed in a report that the RPK’s Building Fund filed this week with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance.?

Counting the two recent contributions, the fund drive has raised $2.9 million from 12 special interest donors since fundraising began in late 2022. The largest of the contributions was $1 million given by the pharmaceutical giant Pfizer Inc. in late 2022.

Churchill Downs Inc., best known for its Louisville racetrack, is a publicly traded company that owns and operates gambling venues across the country.?The Jockey Club, established in 1894, promotes Thoroughbred racing and breeding? and maintains the North American Thoroughbred registry.

State and federal campaign finance laws limit to $15,000 the amount any person can give to either political party executive committee, and corporation contributions are forbidden. But a law passed by the 2017 Kentucky General Assembly allowed each party to create a building fund which can accept contributions of unlimited amounts from people or corporations.

In response to a question about the large special interest contributions from special interests, RPK Executive Director Sarah Van Wallaghen released a statement that said the building fund fundraising effort complies with “both federal and state law.” She also said money given to the building fund can only be used for construction and maintenance of the headquarters and can not be used for candidate or issue advocacy.

The RPK’s headquarters is in a house on Capital Avenue about four blocks from the Kentucky Capitol. A sign identifies it as the “Mitch McConnell Building,” named for Kentucky’s longest serving U.S. senator, Republican Mitch McConnell, who also is the longest serving party leader in Senate history and famous for his success in raising money for his and others’ campaigns.

The report filed this week indicates that design work for the project is underway. The report lists $61,587 in expenses paid this year to Stengel-Hill Architecture Inc., of Louisville, for architectural fees and a survey.

Van Wallaghen said the party hopes to have drawings completed for the proposed new headquarters within the next two months and for construction to begin before the end of the year.

The building fund’s recent report also lists $10,000 in payments to Haney Consulting, the company of McConnell’s longtime chief fundraiser Laura Haney. These payments bring to $85,000 the amount the building fund has paid to Haney Consulting for its help in generating the 12 contributions.

The Kentucky Democratic Party’s building fund this week reported minimal activity during the first quarter of 2024 — less than $1,000 in expenses and less than $1,000 in receipts. However, it did report a balance of $327,578 in cash on hand as of March 31.

Here’s a complete list of the donors to the Republican Party of Kentucky Building Fund’s project to renovate and expand the Mitch McConnell Building:

Gov. Andy Beshear and his father, former Gov. Steve Beshear, left, celebrated last year on election night. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Austin Anthony)

FRANKFORT — Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s parents and several longtime donors to his political committees gave to his new political action committee in February.

The new Beshear PAC is called In This Together, and it raised nearly $100,000 in contributions last month, according to a report it filed Wednesday with the Federal Election Commission.

Beshear launched the PAC in early January with the purpose of creating a fund to support like-minded candidates across the country. The new PAC also could elevate Beshear’s national profile; he is unable to seek a third consecutive term as governor in 2027.

The report filed Wednesday shows that In This Together raised $98,679 in February, bringing to $129,360 the total amount raised since its creation. Through February the PAC has reported only small start-up expenses for strategic consulting and website development. It has yet to donate to a candidate.

As of March 1 it reports having $115,165 on hand.

Its largest contribution during February came from a super PAC called BlueWaveAmerica, which gave $20,000. BluwaveAmerica’s website shows it is a super PAC dedicated to turning out Democratic voters in rural America. It is headed by former Congressman Mike Ward, of Louisville.

Andy Beshear’s parents, former Gov. Steve Beshear and Jane Beshear, each gave $5,000 to In This Together in February.

The other largest donors to In This Together during the month were:

Nachiketa Bhatt, Louisville, Freedom Adult Day Healthcare, managing member, $5,000

John Brown, Frankfort, lobbyist with JYB3 Group, $2,500

Rebecca Brown, Louisville, $2,500

Sherman Brown, Louisville, lobbyist with McCarthy Strategic Solutions, $5,000

John Dant, Nashville, president of Log Still Distillery, $5,000

Michael Dudgeon, Midway, owner of Milam Farm LLC, $5,000

Joe Ellis, Benton, optometrist, $5,000

Jim Gray, Lexington, Kentucky Transportation secretary, $5,000

Jonathan Krebs, of Hattiesburg, Mississippi, partner in Horne, $5,000

Jonathan Rabinowitz, Versailles, attorney with Morgan and Morgan and Beshear appointee to Kentucky Horse Racing Commission

Charlie O’Connor, Versailles, director of sales for Ashford Stud and Beshear appointee to Kentucky Horse Racing Commission

Anna Stroble, of Ridgeland, Mississippi, also a partner in Horne, $5,000

Ron Winchell, of Las Vegas, of ECL Hospitality, $5,000

Katherine V. Wood, Louisville, lobbyist with Commonwealth Alliances, $2,500

Russell Coleman walks to the stage in Louisville to give his acceptance speech after wining the office of attorney general on Nov 7, 2023. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Matthew Mueller)

Follow the money

An occasional series of campaign finance notebooks by Tom Loftus

The largest donor to the various political committees supporting Kentucky Attorney General Russell Coleman last year is a newcomer to Kentucky’s world of political giving and lobbying: FFF Enterprises Inc., of Temecula, California.

FFF Enterprises describes itself on its website as a “leading supplier of critical-care biopharmaceuticals, plasma products and vaccines.” It first registered to lobby the legislative and executive branches of Kentucky state government last Sept. 1.

Reports filed with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance show that FFF’s chief executive Patrick Schmidt gave $2,000 to Coleman’s 2023 primary election committee and $2,100 to his general election committee. Other reports filed with KREF show that Schmidt gave $20,000 last year to Safer Kentucky, a super PAC supporting Coleman, and $25,000 after the election to the committee that paid for Coleman’s inauguration festivities.

The $25,000 was by far the largest contribution made to Coleman’s inaugural committee, which raised a total of $59,100.

In addition, FFF Enterprises Inc. made a corporate donation of $75,000 last Nov. 8 to the Republican Attorneys General Association, according to a report that the association filed with the IRS. That contribution came a day after the election in which the Republican Attorneys General Association spent $530,435 supporting Coleman’s candidacy.

Coleman won 58 percent of the vote in the election over Democrat Pamela Stevenson, a state House member from Louisville.

Coleman’s office referred questions about the FFF contributions to his campaign committee, which did not respond to an email from Kentucky Lantern.

FFF Enterprises reports on forms filed with the Legislative Ethics Commission that it is lobbying on “issues impacting addiction.” Its chief lobbyist in Kentucky is Karen Kelly, who is also the secretary of the Republican Party of Kentucky and a former district director for U.S. Rep. Hal Rogers. Kelly referred questions to Schmidt who did not return a phone message left at his office.?

FFF’s website says that it “purchases directly from biopharmaceutical manufacturers and ships only to healthcare providers. … FFF’s unprecedented programs unite manufacturers, Group Purchasing Organizations (GPOs) and hospital partners, while bringing streamlined cost-saving solutions to the biopharmaceutical and vaccine marketplace.”

Rand Paul/Jeff Yass PAC gives big to winner?in Ohio GOP primary

Protect Freedom PAC — a super PAC that has supported Sen. Rand Paul and is mainly funded by mega-donor Jeff Yass — made a big contribution to support the Donald Trump-backed candidate who won a hotly-contested GOP primary for U.S. Senate in Ohio on Tuesday.

Protect Freedom recently reported to the Federal Election Commission (FEC) that it gave $500,000 on Feb. 13 to Buckeye Values PAC, which backed? Bernie Moreno, a former car dealer who has never held elective office. On Saturday former President Trump spoke at a raucous rally for Moreno near Dayton. The Associated Press reported that the rally was hosted by Buckeye Values PAC.

Reports filed by Buckeye Values PAC with the FEC show that Protect Freedom PAC was by far its largest donor this year, giving more than one-third of its $1.4 million received in contributions.

Moreno faced two opponents Tuesday: Matt Dolan, a state senator who had the support of establishment Republican leaders in Ohio like Republican Gov. Mike DeWine and former Ohio Sen. Rob Portman; and Ohio Secretary of State Frank LaRose.

Moreno won just over 50% of the vote with 33% going to Dolan and 17% to LaRose, according to the Ohio secretary of state’s website.

Moreno will face incumbent Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown in November.

Protect Freedom PAC is a super PAC created in 2017 by close associates of Rand Paul to support candidates across the country who share Paul’s conservative political views. Last year Protect Freedom PAC spent more than $2.4 million in an unsuccessful effort to help elect Republican Attorney General Daniel Cameron as governor of Kentucky.

Super PACs like Protect Freedom PAC can accept contributions in unlimited amounts. Last year it was almost exclusively funded by $6 million in contributions from Jeff Yass, a billionaire options trader from the Philadelphia area. Yass has contributed about $21 million to Protect Freedom PAC since it was founded. That’s more than 75 percent of all the money that has ever been given to Protect Freedom PAC.

Robert Stivers: All monied up, and no race to run

Amid the frantic fundraising by candidates for governor and other statewide offices last fall, Senate President Robert Stivers was doing some serious fundraising of his own.

The Manchester Republican, who has represented the Senate’s 25th District since 1997, raised more than $360,000 in September and October in preparation for a campaign for reelection in 2024, according to a report he filed in December with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance.

Donors to Stivers included numerous officials of Churchill Downs, executives of other race track/sports betting parlors, highway contractors and more than 40 political action committees. Coal company executive and billionaire Joe Craft of Alliance Resource Partners gave $2,100 as did his wife, Kelly Craft, unsuccessful candidate for the Republican nomination for governor last year.

This allowed the Stivers campaign to report a cash balance of $361,408 in early December.

That’s huge for a state legislator, even a top leader. It is about triple the size of the next largest balance held by any of the other 15 leaders in the General Assembly, according to Kentucky Lantern’s look at those records. ?Senate President Pro Tem David Givens’ campaign fund balance is second highest at $121,057, registry records show. Stivers’ balance even exceeds the $340,000 balance of the Kentucky Senate Republican Caucus Committee.?

If Stivers’ intention was to scare off potential challengers, it worked. No one — Democrat or Republican — filed to oppose Stivers by the Jan. 5 filing deadline.

Stivers, through his office’s spokeswoman, declined to comment on the matter.

Stivers can save the money for a possible reelection campaign in 2028, but also can use it to spread good will and make friends by giving some to other political campaigns or civic causes, as well as cover various political expenses including meals.

Last year, Stivers’ campaign committee’s expenses included a $5,000 donation to the Republican Party of Kentucky, $5,000 to the Senate Republican Caucus Campaign Committee, donations of $200 to the campaigns of 13 Republicans running for the General Assembly, $200 to the Clay County Republican Women, $500 to a nonprofit called Shaping Clay, $250 to Oneida Tourism, $500 to the Burning Springs Elementary basketball team, $1,080 for “meals and advertising at Mcquary Co. Gala,” $201.65 for “Christmas hams for workers and supporters,” and $576.64 for “dinner at Jeff Ruby’s” for supporters.

Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell, just turning 82, has $8 million in his reelection campaign, though political insiders doubt he will seek another term in 2026. (Getty Images)

Andy Beshear PAC begins fundraising

Gov. Andy Beshear’s new political action committee reported last week that it raised $30,681 in its first month of existence.

The PAC is called In This Together and was created two months after Democrat Beshear won reelection over Republican Attorney General Daniel Cameron.

It was established as a way for Beshear and his supporters to support like-minded candidates across the country at a time when Beshear — who can not seek a third consecutive term as governor — may be looking to broaden his influence beyond the borders of Kentucky.

Follow the money:

An occasional series of campaign finance notebooks

by Tom Loftus

“We are looking for good candidates that are running for the right reasons that push back against and reject anger politics,” Beshear told the Associated Press in early January of the purpose of the PAC.

According to a report filed with the Federal Election Commission last week, the two largest donors to In This Together in January were Illinois Democratic Gov. Jay Pritzker and Tennessee entrepreneur Adam Levin. Each is listed as giving $5,000.

Other large donors were: Samuel Flynn, of Lexington, a lawyer who works for state government, who gave $2,000; Jon Harned, of Danville, who is retired, who gave $1,000; and University of Louisville law professor Sam Marcosson, who gave $1,000.

Through the end of January, In This Together had yet to spend any money to help candidates. The only spending listed in its report was $1,213 paid to Act Blue Technical Services for “credit card processing fees.”

Mitch McConnell reelection committee slowing down?

Although most political insiders do not expect Mitch McConnell (who turns 82 on Tuesday) to seek reelection in 2026, the senator’s reelection committee recently reported to the FEC it held a balance of $8 million as of Dec. 31.

That’s a strong foundation for a reelection bid, especially when compared to the $2.5 million the committee reported it held as of Dec. 31, 2017 — the same point in McConnell’s prior term.

But perhaps a different number in the McConnell committee’s report is more of an indicator of McConnell’s personal political plans. The other number is $129,560 — the total amount of contributions the committee reported taking in during the final three months of 2023. That’s lower than the $176,466 his committee raised in the final quarter of 2017, according to reports it filed with the FEC.

And it is very low compared to the fundraising totals the committee racked up in 2022. The FEC reports show that for the entire year of 2023, McConnell’s re-election committee raised $542,811 in total contributions — far less than half the $1,360,942 it reported in total contributions during 2022.

Coach Cal shows he is a bipartisan donor

In October Kentucky Lantern reported that University of Kentucky men’s basketball coach John Calipari gave $50,000 to a national Democratic Party PAC called Democratic Grassroots Victory Fund. That contribution was unusual because Calipari has never been a major political donor to either political party. Also, the contribution came at a time when Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s most reliable donors were giving huge amounts to that Democratic PAC.

Recent reports filed with the FEC show that just before the end of 2023, Calipari and his wife Ellen each gave $10,000 to the Andy Barr Victory Committee, a joint fundraising committee of Republican U.S. Rep. Andy Barr of Lexington that raises money for Barr’s reelection committee and the Republican Party of Kentucky.

Yass contributions to Rand Paul committees up to $30 million

Kentucky Lantern recently reported that Jeff Yass, the billionaire mega-donor from the Philadelphia area, gave $3 million more in late 2023 to Protect Freedom Political Action Committee — a super PAC affiliated with Kentucky U.S. Sen. Rand Paul.

That boosted the amount Yass has given to Rand Paul political causes to $30 million since June of 2015 when Yass gave $1 million to a super PAC that was supporting Paul’s campaign for the Republican nomination for president.

Yass is among the country’s very largest donors to conservative super PACs.?He is an options trader, a multi-billionaire, a major investor in the parent company of Tik-Tok, and a passionate advocate for charters schools and school vouchers.

Protect Freedom is operated by political consultants who are veterans of past Paul campaigns, and the PAC’s website features a photo of just one elected official: Rand Paul. In a press release om 2020 it described itself as an organization set up “to support current and future allies of U.S. Sen. Rand Paul.”

Protect Freedom uses Yass’ money to run independent campaigns supporting conservative candidates across the country as well as in Kentucky. Last year Protect Freedom spent more than $2.4 million on its unsuccessful independent campaign to try to elect Republican Attorney General Daniel Cameron as governor of Kentucky.

In 2022 Protect Freedom ran campaigns for nine conservative candidates for U.S. House and Senate, winning only three of them.

Yass has almost single-handedly funded Protect Freedom in the last couple years. His $6 million in contributions to the PAC in 2023 amounted to 98.4 percent of all the contributions Protect Freedom took in during the year.

Gov. Andy Beshear holds up his $20 parlay bet at Churchill Downs in Louisville on the first day of legal sports betting in Kentucky, Sept. 7, 2023. (Kentucky Lantern photo by McKenna Horsley)

FRANKFORT? – Gambling interests ponied up big to outside groups that spent more than $30 million on last year’s race for Kentucky governor.

Kentucky’s horse race tracks that have expanded into new forms of legalized gambling gave big to the Democratic Governors Association in 2023 which spent $19.2 million backing Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s reelection.

In reports filed with the Internal Revenue Service last week the DGA disclosed that it got $250,000 from Churchill Downs, $200,000 from Kentucky Downs, and $50,000 from Revolutionary Racing Kentucky during the second half of 2023.

Meanwhile, Pace-O-Matic, the Georgia-based manufacturer of gaming machines, and officials of the company gave at least $362,000 to the Republican Governors Association in 2023. The RGA, in turn, spent $12.7 million backing Republican Attorney General Daniel Cameron’s campaign for governor.

The DGA and RGA are big Washington-based political committees that exist to elect members of their party as governors of the 50 states. They are called “527 organizations” — groups organized under section 527 of the Internal Revenue Service Code that can accept contributions of unlimited amounts from people, corporations, unions and other groups.

By contributing to the two 527 organizations, people and groups were able to give as much as they wanted to support Beshear or Cameron. By contrast, state law limits the amount a person or traditional political action committee can give to a campaign to $2,100. Contributions from corporations are not allowed.

Kentucky was one of only three states that held its election for governor last year, and the only one of the three considered to be competitive.

And both the DGA and RGA made Kentucky a priority. Beshear won the election, capturing about 52.5 percent of the vote.?

The DGA and RGA must disclose names of donors and expenses with the IRS. On Saturday, an IRS website posted reports from each group which disclosed donors for the period between July 1 and Dec. 31. The vast majority of money contributed to each group came in large donations from corporations and individuals from across the country.Because Kentucky had the only competitive election for governor last year, many large donors during this period were from Kentucky or had financial interests in Kentucky.

Here’s what the new reports show about Kentucky donors to each group in the last half of 2023:

Democratic Governors Association

The DGA reported raising $32.4 million during the six-month period.

Three large donors were owners or affiliates of horse racing tracks that hold Kentucky licenses as sports wagering operators. The legislature legalized sports gambling in Kentucky last year. The new law authorizes only race tracks to operate retail sports gambling sites. The law also allows each track to partner with up to three marketing platforms for mobile wagering.

Churchill Downs donated $250,000; Kentucky Downs, of Franklin, gave $200,000; and Revolutionary Racing, of Boston, gave $50,000.

Also, the Kentucky Thoroughbred Association, of Lexington is listed as giving $25,000

The health insurance giant Humana Inc. gave big to both governors associations: $110,000 to the DGA, and $165,500 to the RGA.

Another big donor to both groups was CoreCivic, the operator of privately-run prisons. CoreCivic is listed as giving $155,000 to the DGA and $285,000 to the RGA last year.

Two corporations based in Louisa and headed by Tim Robinson, best known as the chief executive and founder of Addiction Recovery Care, gave big to the DGA. According to the reports Pioneer Health Group gave $40,000; and London ValuRite Pharmacy gave $20,000. (London ValuRite Pharmacy Pharmacy also gave $50,000 to the DGA in the first half of 2023.)

A company called SK FL Investments, of Midway, contributed $50,000. Kentucky Secretary of State records show the owners of this company are Sandeep Kapoor and Frank Lassiter, who are former officials of the Kentucky Cabinet for Health and Family Services who founded the consulting firm HealthTech Solutions which previously contributed to the DGA.

Other Kentucky donors to the DGA in the second half of 2023 include:

• Sazerac Company, Louisville, $25,000
• Brown-Forman Corporation, Louisville, $25,000
• Pace-O-Matic of Pennsylvania, $25,000
• Southern Star Central Gas Pipeline, Owensboro, $25,000
• LG&E and KU Services, Louisville, $20,000
• New Day Recovery Center, Lexington, $20,000
• John Ridley, Bowling Green, managing director, Stifel Financial, $15,000
• Case Coal Sales, Louisa, $11,600
• Seneca Place LLC, Louisville, $10,000
• Gary L. Taylor, Berea, retired, $10,000
• Southeast Construction Welding, Hazard, $10,000
• Valley Stream Operator LLC, Richmond, $10,000

Republican Governors Association

The RGA reported raising $28.8 million in the second half of 2023.

Karmin A. Pace, the owner of Pace-O-Matic, from Duluth, Georgia, contributed $200,000 to the RGA during the period.

In addition, the Pace-O-Matic corporation is listed as making contributions during the period totaling $95,000.

And nine officials of Pace-O-Matic are listed as donors who, when combined, gave a total of $67,000 more to RGA during the period.

Pace-O-Matic is a manufacturer of video games with cash payouts. Critics call them “gray machines” because of their murky legal status, but supporters call them “games of skill.” The most heavily-lobbied bill of the 2023 General Assembly — and one that eventually was enacted into law — banned such machines from the state. That bill pitted Pace-O-Matic against Kentucky’s race tracks.

Pace-O-Matic has filed a lawsuit asking to strike down that law.

The RGA did get some donations from race tracks: Revolutionary Racing of Kentucky, Boston, Massachusetts, gave $25,000. Lexington Trots Breeders Association (the Red Mile), Lexington, gave $25,000.

Other donors to the RGA in the second half of 2023 include: ResCare, Louisville, $50,000;?Cleary Construction, Tompkinsville, $25,000;?Houchens PAC, Louisville, $10,000.

School Freedom Fund ran this ad in the Kentucky governor's race. (Screenshot)

FRANKFORT – Two billionaire mega-donors bankrolled a quartet of super PACs that spent nearly $10 million over five months last year in an effort to elect a Republican governor in Kentucky.

Reports filed this week with the Federal Election Commission show that Jeff Yass, a billionaire options trader and “school choice” crusader from the Philadelphia suburbs, and Richard Uihlein, the billionaire founder of the shipping supplies company Uline, of Lake Bluff, Illinois, provided the vast majority of financial fuel for independent efforts to unseat Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear and elect then-Attorney General Daniel Cameron.

Super PACs are unlike traditional political action committees because they can accept contributions of unlimited amounts but cannot contribute directly to or coordinate with a candidate’s campaign. Federal courts cleared the way for super PACs by striking down earlier limits on political money.

Together, the four national super PACs spent nearly $10 million, the lion’s share coming from Yass and Uihlein, between July and November promoting Cameron and attacking Beshear.?It was part of more than $70 million spent to woo voters in the governor’s race in which Beshear had a financial advantage that Cameron partially offset with outside spending.

Beshear defeated Cameron by five percentage points or 67,025 votes. Cameron recently became chief executive officer of the 1792 Exchange which describes its mission as steering “public companies back to neutral on divisive, ideological issues.”

The reports filed with the FEC show that one of the super PACs (Protect Freedom PAC) was bankrolled almost totally in 2023 by Yass, who has also been a financial booster of U.S. Sen. Rand Paul.

A second super PAC (American Principles Project) was nearly totally funded by Uihlein.

And it was money from both Yass and Uihlein that fueled independent advertising purchased by two other Republican super PACs, School Freedom Fund and Club for Growth Action, in the Kentucky governor’s race.

Here’s a look at what each of those four super PACs reported to the FEC this week.

Protect Freedom PAC

According to the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance, Protect Freedom PAC spent at least $2.4 million last year advocating Cameron’s election.

Protect Freedom PAC reported this week it got $3,034,584 in contributions during the last six months of 2023. And $3 million (99 percent) came from Yass — $2 million on July 14 and $1 million on Oct. 6.

This is in addition to another $3 million that Yass gave to Protect Freedom PAC earlier in 2023.

Protect Freedom PAC is run by former staffers of Sen. Paul and its website says it supports candidates who share the libertarian policies backed by the Kentucky Republican who’s serving his third term in the U.S. Senate. The PAC’s website prominently displays a photo of Paul.

Including the donations made in late 2023, Yass has contributed $20,898,000 to Protect Freedom PAC since it was founded in 2017. That’s well over three-fourths of the total contributions that Protect Freedom has gathered over that time period.

School Freedom Fund?

According to the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance, School Freedom Fund spent about $3 million last year advocating Cameron’s election.

School Freedom Fund reported this week receiving $6 million in contributions during the last half of 2023. Of that, $3 million was donated by Yass — $2 million on July 19 and $1 million on Dec. 22. Uihlein gave $2 million to School Freedom Fund on July 21. And Atlanta billionaire Bernard Marcus, the co-founder and former chief executive of The Home Depot, is listed as giving $1 million on Oct. 25.

School Freedom Fund is closely affiliated with the massive national conservative super PAC Club for Growth Action.

Its website prominently displays this message: “COVID school shutdowns have made parents and the public aware of countless abuses of power by education bureaucrats seeking self preservation over student education. By repeatedly impeding our children’s learning these individuals have hindered the development and education of our youth through school closures, mask mandates, critical race theory, and more. This creates a unique opportunity to promote School Choice as the structural solution to dramatically improve education in America.”

The Kentucky General Assembly is expected to approve a school choice constitutional amendment during its current session. The amendment, which still would have to be approved by Kentucky voters in November, would remove restrictions in Kentucky’s current constitution that bar public funds from being spent on private schools.

Club for Growth Action

According to the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance, Club for Growth Action spent about $2.4 million last year advocating Cameron’s election.

Club for Growth Action is a large super PAC that advocates for lower taxation and has many conservative donors. However, Yass and Uihlein were its largest donors by far in 2023, according to FEC reports. Yass donated $16 million to Club for Growth Action in 2023 — half of the total $32 million in contributions to Club for Growth Action in 2023. Uihlein was the second largest donor in 2023, giving $8.76 million, according to FEC reports.

American Principles Project?

According to the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance, American Principles Project spent nearly $1.7 million last year advocating Cameron’s election.

American Principles Project is mostly funded, in an indirect way, by Uihlein.

Its report to the FEC covering the last half of 2023 shows that American Principles Project got nearly $2.3 million in donations during that period. Of that, about $2.1 million came from a different PAC called Restoration PAC.

But reports filed with the FEC by Restoration PAC show it is almost exclusively funded by contributions from Uihlein.

The Kentucky House of Representatives chamber on Jan. 3, 2024 as Gov. Andy Beshear delivered the State of the Commonwealth address to a joint session of the legislature. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Arden Barnes)

FRANKFORT — Gambling interests drove lobbying spending in Frankfort to a record level in 2023.

More than 800 corporations, associations and other groups reported spending $24.7 million to influence the Kentucky General Assembly last year, according to data posted Thursday on the Legislative Ethics Commission‘s website.

That breaks the prior record of $22.4 million spent to lobby the 2022 General Assembly.

The record is noteworthy because Kentucky lawmakers convened for only a short legislative session of 30 days in 2023. In 2022 the legislature was in session for 60 days.

A review of the ethics commission’s website shows that the main reason lobbying spending was up last year was gambling legislation.

Primarily a bill to ban so-called “gray machines” appears to have churned the most lobbying spending in 2023.

A group that called itself Kentucky Merchants and Amusement Coalition, which opposed the gray machine ban, reported spending $483,324 — more than any other group — on lobbying state lawmakers last year.

The machines at issue are video games with cash payouts and could be found at clubs, bars and gas stations throughout the state. Their proponents refer to them as “games of skill.”

A group that called itself Kentuckians Against Illegal Gambling, which pushed for banning the machines, reported spending the third-most of any group — $348,763.

The vast majority of the money spent by both groups was for broadcast advertising that aired during the 2023 session while the bill was under consideration.

In the end, the ban on gray machines passed and now is being challenged in court.

In addition to those two groups, myriad other gambling interests spent big on lobbying last year. Pace-O-Matic, the Georgia company that makes the gray machines, reported spending $110,150 on lobbying last year.

And race tracks that successfully pushed for banning gray machines and legalizing sports betting spent big on lobbying: Churchill Downs reported $128,090 in lobbying spending; Keeneland, $112,226;? The Red Mile, $89,930; Revolutionary Racing, $81,174; ECL Entertainment, $45,000.

As usual, major business associations, health care interests, electric utilities and energy interests all were among the top lobbying spenders last year.

The Kentucky Chamber of Commerce, the statewide association lobbying for businesses reported spending the second-most — $440,030 — for the year.

?Its counterpart in Louisville, Greater Louisville Inc., reported spending $113,427.

Health care entities among the top 20 lobbying spenders were: Kentucky Hospital Association, $265,093; Kentucky Medical Association, $169,420; HCA Healthcare, $142,400; Humana, $123,635; Elevance Health, $122,693; LifePoint Health, $118,480

Utilities among the top 20 were: LG&E and KU Energy, $164,407; East Kentucky Power Cooperative, $118,242; and Duke Energy, $115,819.

The American Civil Liberties Union, which opposed anti-LGBTQ legislation that was enacted in last year’s session, spent $192,084, putting it ?among the top 10 in lobbying spending. Other groups in the top 10: tobacco giant Altria, of Richmond, Virginia, $191,598; Kentucky Retail Federation, $168,985; and Kentucky Distillers Association, $168,281.

Other data posted on the commission website show Patrick Jennings was paid the most of any lobbyist in 2023 — $854,258. Bob Babbage, the former Kentucky secretary of state and auditor who has been the top-paid lobbyist many years, was second at $756,283.

The commission’s website shows that 20 lobbyists made more than $322,000 last year for their work trying to influence lawmakers. (By comparison, Gov. Andy Beshear’s annual salary is $174,216.)

Groups that spent the most lobbying in 2023

There are 829 companies, associations and other groups registered to lobby the Kentucky General Assembly. Each must report its lobbying expenses to the Legislative Ethics Commission. According to year-end information posted Thursday on the commission’s website, here are the 20 groups that reported spending the most money to influence the Kentucky General Assembly in 2023:

Kentucky Merchants and Amusement Coalition, Lexington, gambling, $483,324

Kentucky Chamber of Commerce, Frankfort, business association, $444,030

Kentuckians Against Illegal Gambling, Louisville, gambling, $348,763

Kentucky Hospital Assn., Louisville, hospitals, $265,093

American Civil Liberties Union of Kentucky, Louisville, $192,084

Altria Client Services, Richmond, Virginia, tobacco products, $191,598

Kentucky Medical Assn., Louisville, doctors, $169,420

Kentucky Retail Federation, Louisville, retail stores, $168,985

Kentucky Distllers’ Assn., Frankfort, distillers, $168,281

LG&E and KU Energy, Louisville, utility, $164,407

HCA Healthcare, Nashville, health care, $142,400

Kentucky Association of Counties, Frankfort, county governments, $140,782

Kentucky League of Cities, Lexington, city governments, $139,553

Churchill Downs, Louisville, gambling, $128,090

Humana Inc., Louisville, health insurance, $123,635

Elevance Health, Cincinnati, health insurance, $122,693

LifePoint Health, Brentwood, Tennessee, hospital, $118,480

East Kentucky Power Cooperattive, Winchester, utility, $118,242

Duke Energy, Cincinnati, utility, $115,819

Greater Louisville Inc., Louisville, business association, $113,427

Top-paid lobbyists in 2023

There are 673 people registered to lobby the Kentucky General Assembly. The groups that employ them must report how much they pay their lobbyists to the Legislative Ethics Commission. According to year-end information posted Thursday on the commission’s website, here are the 20 lobbyists who were paid the most to lobby the General Assembly in 2023. Each of these 20 is a contract lobbyist who works for numerous clients. Along with the name and amount the lobbyist was paid in 2023 are the names of three of their more prominent clients.

Patrick Jennings?????????????$854,258

Clients include Kentucky Hospital Assn., CSX Corp., and AT&T

Bob Babbage????????????????$756,283

Clients include MC Global Holdings, Tyler Kentucky, Underdog Fantasy

Stephen Huffman????????????$754,000

Clients include Revolutionary Racing, The Red Mile, IGT

Ronald Pryor??????????????$717,900

Clients include HCA Healthcare, LifePoint Health, Kentucky Hospital Assn.

John McCarthy????????????? ? $681,993

Clients include Churchill Downs, Kentucky Optometric Assn., Kentucky Financial Services Assn.

Sean Cutter????????????????? $607,167

Clients include RAI Services, Expedia Group, Autonomous Vehicle Industry

Kelley Abell???????????????????$581,665

Clients include BrightSpring Health, Dish Network, Kentucky Assn. of Adult Day Centers

Jason Bentley??????????????? ?$547,684

Clients include RAI Services, Kentucky Distillers’ Assn., LG&E and KU Energy

Chris Nolan ?????????????????$541,648

Clients include Mucor, Kentucky Distillers’ Assn., Diversified Energy

Katherine Hall????????????????$491,417

Clients include Kentucky Assn. of Health Care Facilities, New Venture Fund, AT&T

Laura Owens?????????????????$468,000

Clients include Uber, Powerhouse Kentucky, Baptist Health

James Higdon????????????????$466,968

Clients include Merck Sharp & Dohne, Humana, RAI Services

Mike Biagi????????????????????$430,550

Clients include Kentucky Credit Union League, Wellcare Health, Appalachian Regional Healthcare

John Cooper??????????????????$415,852

Clients include Toyota, Kentucky Medical Assn., Kentucky Bankers Assn.

Jason Underwood?????????????$413,450

Clients include Airhub, Caesar’s Digital, United Healthcare

Amy Wickliffe?????????????????$402,049

Clients include Pfizer, Churchill Downs, Gilead Sciences

Trey Grayson??????????????????$375,703

Clients include Academic Partnerships LLC, Lancaster Colony Group, Wellpath

Steve Robertson???????????????$362,927???

Clients include Academic Partnerships LLC, Kentucky County Clerks Assn., Wellpath

Marc Wilson??????????????????$328,146

Clients include Community Choice Financial, Mountain Comprehensive Care, Cincinnati Bell

Karen Thomas-Lentz???????????$322,542

Clients include EPIC Pharmacies, Swisher International, Kentucky Liquor Retailers

Randall Weddle, then a candidate for London mayor, listens as Gov. Andy Beshear helps celebrate the opening of WB Transport's new warehouse in April 2022. (Screenshot with permission of WYMT)

FRANKFORT — London Mayor Randall Weddle says he told a fundraiser for Gov. Andy Beshear’s reelection in late 2022 that he planned to make political contributions of others on his credit card, but instead of being warned that such a move would be illegal, the fundraiser told Weddle, “Okay sounds great.”

Weddle also said that he learned days later from a friend that making such contributions was prohibited and repeatedly asked the same fundraiser to fix the situation and refund the illegal excess contributions made on the Weddle credit card, but no action was taken.

It wasn’t until April 17 — the day the Kentucky Lantern published a story raising questions about the massive bundles of contributions from Weddle’s family, employees and business associates to the Beshear campaign and Kentucky Democratic Party — that Weddle says he took the matter directly to Beshear and a process began that led to the campaign and party refunding $202,000 in excess contributions made on Weddle’s credit card.

Those are key points made by attorneys for Weddle on Monday in a written response to a complaint filed against Weddle last fall by the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance for alleged violations of state laws that prohibit a person from making a campaign contribution in the name of another.?

Some surprising new players in Kentucky politics are filling Beshear’s campaign war chest

Weddle’s response, written by his lawyers Douglas McSwain and Guthrie True, concludes, “Mr. Weddle’s actions demonstrate he had no improper intent or knowledge associated with the contributions, and indeed, he even requested corrective action be taken to reverse the incorrect contributions charged to his credit card …”?

Weddle’s response points the finger at someone it describes as “a fundraiser” for Beshear and the Democratic Party named Lucas Johnson.

It is Johnson, the Weddle response says, who OK’d Weddle’s initial suggestion that he make two excess contributions on his credit card, and Johnson who appeared to take no action in response to Weddle’s later pleas to fix the situation and refund the excess contributions.

“It is clear to Mr. Weddle,” the response also says, “that the governor knew nothing about the contributions mishap.”

Weddle’s account disputed by Beshear camp

Besher’s campaign manager Eric Hyers on Tuesday disputed Weddle’s account of what happened. “Despite any new assertions to the contrary, the campaign and party first learned about the issue in late April 2023 and reached out to KREF to self-report the matter the same month,” Hyers said in a statement. “The campaign and party worked closely with KREF to refund the contributions and reflect the refunds on their filings.”

Hyers said that a lawyer who initially represented Weddle on this matter, McKinnley Morgan, reviewed and approved the Democratic Party and Beshear campaign letters sent to KREF in early May reporting the problem.

Johnson did not respond to a message left with him at Kentucky Democratic Party headquarters.

State and federal law strictly limit how much any individual can contribute to a campaign for governor or to the executive committee of a political party. In 2022 state law set the limit for an individual’s contribution to a governor’s campaign at $2,000 per election. That limit was raised in 2023 to $2,100. The maximum a person can give to a political party is $15,000 a year. The Kentucky Registry of Election Finance, or KREF, is investigating whether Weddle exceeded those limits by violating the state law that bans a person from giving, loaning or advancing money to other people — known as straw donors — whose names are falsely listed in disclosure reports as the donors.

Kentucky Lantern’s April 17 report was the result of its analysis of thousands of donations reported by the Beshear reelection campaign and Kentucky Democratic Party. The story concluded that Weddle’s family and friends constituted the group giving the most to help Beshear win reelection — at least $305,500. The Lantern reported that none of the 19 people who combined to give this large amount had ever before made a large political contribution.

Beshear and his campaign manager declined to be interviewed for that story. Four days after the report Beshear did not answer a question from a Lantern reporter about how the Weddle group’s contributions came about, saying only that all contributions to his campaign are “voluntary.”

But in June, Hyers, Beshear’s campaign manager, disclosed that shortly after the Lantern report Weddle had come forward to tell the campaign about contributions made on his credit card but listed as contributions of others in reports the campaign and party had filed with KREF and the Federal Election Commission. Hyers said that those excess contributions — totaling $202,000 — had been refunded to Weddle’s credit card.

‘You’re the man’

Weddle’s seven-page response is his first public explanation as to how the controversial contributions came about. It conflicts sharply with what he told the Lantern early this year in telephone interviews when he said he had no idea how all of his immediate relatives and many friends came to give $15,000 to the Democratic Party and $2,000 to the Beshear campaign at about the same time.

Weddle’s lawyers say the response is the product of their “considerable investigation of the facts.” The Weddle lawyers acknowledge “that some participants to the events may have differing recollections of the events and conversations.” The response is based largely on text messages between Weddle and the fundraiser Lucas Johnson.

While Johnson was raising money for both the Beshear campaign and the Kentucky Democratic Party (KDP) in December of 2022, he was working hard to raise money for the party so it could post a big total by its filing deadline of Dec. 31. The texts also indicate Weddle was eager to help, even though he was on a family vacation in the Bahamas.

A long series of texts between the two begins early on Dec. 27 after Weddle transmitted contributions of $2,000 to the Beshear campaign, each from his wife and two children. But Johnson replied that those three family members had already given the maximum to the Beshear campaign and that money would have to be refunded. “It’s the KDP we need before the end of the year,” Johnson texted Weddle.

The two exchange at least another 24 texts during that day, as both worked out technical problems in transferring contributions to the party’s account. But the texts indicate both were pleased that the Democratic Party would be getting a windfall before the end of the year.

“Thank you for your support,” Johnson said in a text. “You’re the man!”

Weddle later wrote, “I have more coming we should be able to hit $250k or 300k by the 31st.”

Weddle’s response says that the key text in this exchange was one in which Weddle says for just two of the contributions — those from his mother and mother-in-law — “I’ll have to use my credit card they’ll have to give it back to me.” Johnson replied, “Okay sounds good.”

State of mind

Weddle’s attorneys argue that it was “significant to Mr. Weddle’s state of mind” that “Johnson never advised Mr. Weddle that this method of contributing was not permitted.”

The response further also lists a flurry of texts exchanged between Weddle and Johnson on the night of Dec. 30 in which Weddle informs Johnson of a dozen additional contributions that were being made to the party and Beshear campaign.

“I’ve got you 219k this week,” Weddle texted Johnson.

“Haha it’s a usual thing in fundraising! Yessir you have!” Johnson replied.

But the Weddle response says that the following day in a conversation with friends about the contributions, one friend told Weddle that the law did not allow him to put the contributions of others on his credit card. In phone calls the following week, Weddle told Johnson of the problem and directed him “to promptly ‘fix’ this situation and reverse the contributions,” the Weddle response states.

Weddle, according to the response, continued to ask Johnson in the following weeks and months to “get the incorrect credit card contributions reversed and refunded.”?

On March 9, Johnson warned Weddle in a text that the party had gotten a phone call from a reporter and suggested, “We probably need to hop on the phone at some point tomorrow to make sure we are all on the same page.”

The response says Johnson and Weddle talked by phone later that day and five more times in late March but still “the problem of the contributions is not resolved.”

Finally, the day the Lantern published its story, April 17, the response says, Weddle contacted “an individual known to be close to the Governor” to help arrange a meeting with Beshear.

Weddle, Johnson and the person known to be close to the governor, who is not identified in the response, met on April 21. “Mr. Weddle informed those present of the issue with the contributions having been made through his credit card.”

As a result of the meeting, the Beshear campaign and Democratic Party reported the matter to KREF, apparently by phone on May 2, the response states.

KREF is conducting a regulatory civil investigation of the matter which can ultimately result in a fine of $500 per violation of campaign finance laws. If it finds intentional violations of the law, it can refer the matter to the Kentucky Attorney General Russell Coleman or a local prosecutor for a criminal investigation.

But Weddle’s lawyers say in their response that Weddle’s attempts to correct a mistake show “there is no reasonable basis or ‘probable cause’ to believe that Mr. Weddle committed any intentional or knowing violation” of law.

KREF will continue its investigation, a process that could involve interviewing witnesses and subpoenaing records.

Weddle’s response to Kentucky Registry of Election Finance complaint

Gov. Andy Beshear and his family participate in the Grand March a tradition of Kentucky inaugurations, in the Capitol, Dec. 12, 2023.(Kentucky Lantern photo by Arden Barnes)

FRANKFORT — Special interest political action committees and wealthy political donors provided the vast majority of $684,000 raised in the closing weeks of 2023 by the inauguration committee of Gov. Andy Beshear and Lt. Gov. Jaqueline Coleman, according to a report filed Wednesday by the committee with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance.

The report also lists about $464,000 in expenses paid by the committee, leaving it with a balance on hand of about $220,000 to cover any late bills. The balance on hand seems likely enough to pay any remaining bills. Beshear’s 2019 inauguration committee raised $604,000 and after paying all bills had about $40,000 left over which it gave to various charities.

Events surrounding the inauguration of the governor every four years are paid for by state government and the newly-elected governor’s inaugural committee. Generally, state government pays costs to conduct the big official event of swearing in the governor and lieutenant governor. The inaugural committee pays for the parties and any other unofficial costs.

Jim Gray, secretary of the Kentucky Transportation Cabinet and chairman of the inaugural committee, declined to comment on the contributions or other details listed in the report.

Political action committees provided slightly more than half of the donations that filled the Beshear-Coleman inaugural committee’s coffers. The largest contribution was $30,000 from Elevance Health PAC, of Washington.

Political action committees of these eight groups contributed $25,000 each:?

• Charter Spectrum Employees PAC, of Louisville;?
• Deloitte PAC, of Washington;?
• Molina Healthcare Inc., of Long Beach, California;?
• United Health Group, of Washington;?
• UPS PAC, of Atlanta;?
• United Auto Works PAC, of Detroit;?
• Plumbers & Pipefitters Local 502, of Louisville;?
• Houchens PAC, of Louisville.

The largest individual contributor was Tim Robinson, of Louisa, the chief executive of Addiction Recovery Care, who is listed as giving $29,000. Beshear recognized Robinson, who was in the gallery, during his State of the Commonwealth address Wednesday night.

Lisa Lourie, a retiree from Wellington, Florida, and owner of Spy Coast Farm, gave $25,000. Cynthia Adkins, of Danville, West Virginia, who is also listed as being retired, gave $20,000.

The following donors are listed as having contributed $10,000 each: Lobbyist Bob Babbage, of Lexington; Laura Babbage, of Lexington; William P. Butler, of Covington, chief executive of Corporex; Todd Case, Louisa, owner of Todd Case Trucking; Pauletta Case, of Louisa, president of Rock Trucking; Charles Vinson, of Louisa, an environmental scientist employed by the state; Mark Workman, Paducah, an engineer with BFW Engineering; Chester Thomas, Hanson, a coal operator; William T. Young, of Lexington, president of WT Young; Barbara Young, of Lexington; Wayne Carlisle, of Newport.

Also, Barbara Banke, the chair of Jackson Family Wines in Santa Rosa, California, is listed as making an in-kind contribution worth $10,449.

The largest expenses listed in the report are: $105,595 to The Rental Depot; $95,654 to MSI Production Services; $57,700 in reimbursements to the state Parks Department; and $25,000 to Wasserman Music.

Gov. Andy Beshear delivers his second inaugural address, Dec. 12, 2023, Frankfort. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Arden Barnes)

FRANKFORT — Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s reelection campaign raised and spent more than four times the dollars raised and spent by his Republican challenger Attorney General Daniel Cameron in this fall’s general election — a difference that figured in Beshear’s victory.

Reports filed this week by the two campaigns covering fundraising and spending through the Nov. 7 election showed that Beshear raised nearly $19 million and Cameron raised $4.3 million.

Cameron was able to compete on television airwaves during the fall because of advertising bought by conservative super PACs, organizations that operate independently of campaigns and can raise and spend unlimited funds from individuals, corporations, unions and associations. When funding from all sources is counted, about $65 million was spent to woo voters in this year’s race for governor.

Beshear’s campaign built up a massive fundraising lead by starting early — on Oct. 1, 2021 compared to Cameron’s campaign launch of May 26, 2022.? A much bigger advantage was that Beshear drew no serious opponents in the May Democratic primary, while Cameron faced a slew of opponents in the Republican primary.

Cameron won his primary in a landslide, but spent virtually all the $1.5 million he had raised through mid-May. Beshear, meanwhile, was able to roll more than $6 million from his primary fundraising into his general election coffers.

Beshear also reported getting much more support from the Kentucky Democratic Party than Cameron reported getting from the Republican Party of Kentucky.

Beshear’s campaign total includes $3.75 million from the KDP, while Cameron reported getting just under $1 million from the RPK.?

And throughout the primary and general elections Beshear took full advantage of being the incumbent and perceived frontrunner, raising large numbers of contributions from state employees, his appointees to state boards and commissions, state contractors and officials of businesses closely regulated by the state.

The disclosure filed by his campaign this week with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance showed that for the general election Beshear raised $18,970,000.

Of that: $8.8 million came from people, $215,000 from traditional political action committees, $3.7 million in transfers from the Kentucky Democratic Party, and nearly $6.2 million in money rolled into his general election campaign from his primary committee.

Beshear’s campaign reported spending all of it except $113,000 — the campaign’s current cash on hand to pay late expenses.

People are prohibited from giving more than $2,100 to a candidate for state office per election. Among those listed in this week’s report as giving $2,100 to Beshear’s campaign in the final two weeks before the campaign are: James Booth, a coal operator from Inez; Jerry Bruckheimer, the film producer from Encina, California; Jonathan Soros, chief executive of JS Capital Management, of New York; and Lexington architects Les Haney and Albert Gross. University of Kentucky football coach Mark Stoops is listed as giving $1,500.

The Cameron campaign this week reported it took in a final total of nearly $4,350,000 for the general election.

Of that: nearly $3.2 million came in contributions by people, $122,000 from traditional political action committees, and a bit more than $1 million in transfers from the Republican Party of Kentucky and other county GOP committees.

Cameron’s campaign reported having $42,000 in cash on hand to pay the late bills.

Among those listed as giving $2,100 to Cameron during the last two weeks of the campaign are: Louisville entrepreneur Ulysses Bridgeman, Bowling Green attorney Marshall Hughes, and Dallas businessman and real estate developer Ross Perot Jr.

Gov. Andy Beshear reaches out to a supporter at his victory party at Old Forrester’s Paristown Hall in Louisville, Nov. 7, 2023. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Austin Anthony)

FRANKFORT — Ahead of? last month’s governor’s race, London Mayor Randall Weddle and other Kentuckians gave big to a type of political committee that allows wealthy donors to make massive legal contributions.?

Weddle, whose earlier excess contributions to Gov. Andy Beshear’s reelection effort had drawn regulatory scrutiny, contributed $550,000 on Oct. 3 to a national Democratic Party committee known as the Democratic Grassroots Victory Fund (DGVF).

The donation is listed in a report filed recently with the Federal Election Commission.

Weddle’s was by far the largest contribution reported by the DGVF during the general election season, but within the legal limits of how much a person can give to such a committee.

It was one of 25 contributions this fund received during the general election season from some of Beshear’s most loyal supporters and largest donors.

An examination of reports filed by Democratic Grassroots Victory Fund and posted on the FEC website shows that — while the fund is a major national Democratic political committee that gets contributions from across the country — its only donors since late July were Kentuckians and a couple out-of-state people who have been donors to Beshear’s campaign.?????

Other donors to the fund include Steve Wilson, the founder of 21C Museum Hotels, who gave $200,000; Jim Gray, secretary of the Kentucky Transportation Cabinet, who gave $100,000; and Louisville philanthropist and major Democratic donor Christina Lee Brown, who gave $100,000.

Perhaps the only surprising donor in DGVF’s recent reports is John Calipari, the University of Kentucky men’s basketball coach who does not have a history as a large political donor. The fund reported that Calipari donated $50,000 on Oct. 19, according to the FEC website.

Together,? 25 individuals — mostly Kentuckians plus a few out-of-state donors to Beshear — are listed as donating $1.65 million to Democratic Grassroots Victory Fund between July 25 and Oct. 31.

The reports show that Weddle, a registered Republican who until recently had been a donor to Republicans, has not been deterred from showing his enthusiasm for Beshear and other Democrats by the controversy over his apparent excess contributions to Beshear’s campaign and the Kentucky Democratic Party. The controversy is rooted in an April report by Kentucky Lantern that said Weddle’s family and associates combined to give more than $305,500 to the Kentucky Democratic Party and Beshear’s campaign. Beshear’s campaign manager initially defended the contributions, but later revealed that $202,000 of those contributions were all made on Weddle’s credit card. In October the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance began a civil investigation of that matter.

Weddle did not return a phone message left at the London mayor’s office on Monday. And state and national Democratic Party officials shed no light on why Weddle and so many Beshear supporters gave to the Democratic Grassroots Victory Fund during the general election season.

The Kentucky Democratic Party did not return a phone call or respond to an emailed list of questions Monday from Kentucky Lantern. And the Democratic Grassroots Victory Fund did not respond to a phone call and email sent to it by Kentucky Lantern on Monday.

Calipari was not available for comment, said UK spokesman Jay Blanton.

U.S. Supreme Court loosened restrictions

State and federal laws put limits on the amount of money any person can give to most political committees. For instance, Kentucky law sets a $2,100 cap on how much a person can give to a candidate for governor per election. Individuals are limited to giving no more than $15,000 a year to a state political party — $10,000 to the state party committee registered with the FEC, plus $5,000 to the state party committee regulated by the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance.

Democratic Grassroots Victory Fund is a large “joint fundraising committee” based in Washington and first registered with the FEC in 2017 to raise money for the Democratic National Committee and Democratic Party committees in the 50 states and District of Columbia. Because of the way it is structured, the limit on individual contributions? is extremely high. A person may give up to the $41,300 annual limit on contributions to the Democratic National Committee, plus the $10,000 allowed in contributions to each state committee and the District of Columbia, according to the FEC’s press office.

That would place the limit at $551,300 per year. Weddle’s contribution was just under that limit.

A U.S. Supreme Court decision, McCutcheon v. Federal Election Committee, in 2014 loosened restrictions on how much money could flow into joint fundraising committees such as the Democratic Grassroots Victory Fund. Near the time of its creation, the Washington-based watchdog group Issue One criticized this type of political committee as one that would allow wealthy donors undue influence by making massive, legal political contributions. “The Democratic Grassroots Victory Fund seems to be drawing a roadmap for how wealthy people can give more than half a million dollars a year in a single check to the political party of their choice,” an Issue One official said at the time.

The fund has reported raising $12.3 million this year through Oct. 31 and transferring? nearly $7 million of that to the Democratic National Committee. The rest, other than some expenses, was disbursed to the state party organizations. The vast majority of that money was raised and distributed early this year, and the only contributions DGVF received since July 25 (other than a handful of contributions of $50 or less) was the $1.65 million from Kentuckians and Beshear supporters.

The Democratic National Committee was a major source of funds for the Kentucky Democratic Party this year. Reports filed by the KDP show it received more than $3.2 million in transfers from the Democratic National Committee, with the vast majority of that transferred in the six weeks before the Nov. 7 Kentucky election.

Weddle refunded $202,000 given to Beshear campaign, party

Weddle is a co-founder of WB Transport which is engaged in the reverse logistic business — the shipping, storing and reselling of merchandise that has been returned to retailers by buyers. On April 17, Kentucky Lantern reported that Weddle family members and associates (though not Randall Weddle himself) had combined to give the? biggest batch of contributions to support Beshear’s reelection. The 19 Weddle-related donors —? none of whom had made big political contributions before — were listed in reports as giving a combined amount of more than $305,500 to Beshear’s campaign and party.?

Beshear and the Democratic Party initially defended the contributions, noting that each was within the limit allowed by law and insisting that no favors are ever granted in exchange for a contribution.

But on June 19 the Beshear’s campaign manager announced that Weddle had informed the campaign that $202,000 in contributions from Weddle relatives and associates to the party and Beshear campaign were all made on a credit card belonging to Randall and Victoria Weddle. These were excess contributions, he said, and were refunded by the party and Beshear campaign.

A longstanding opinion of the Kentucky Executive Branch Ethics Commission bars? candidates from using their elected? offices to investigate an election opponent, so Attorney General Daniel Cameron, Beshear’s Republican opponent, was barred from investigating the matter. Cameron’s office asked the FBI to investigate.

The FBI has declined to comment on whether it is investigating.

But in late October the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance initiated an investigation of the Weddle contributions. If it concludes that someone knowingly violated state campaign finance laws, the registry can impose a fine of $5,000 per violation.

Since the controversy surfaced in the spring Weddle has become a prolific donor —? primarily, but not exclusively, to Democratic committees. Websites of the election registry, the FEC and the IRS, show that Randall Weddle and his wife Victoria Weddle gave:

• $75,000 on May 10 to the Democratic Governors Association, which was funding a super PAC supporting Beshear.?
• $2,000 on June 20 to the campaign of Democrat Pamela Stevenson for attorney general.??
• $100,000 on June 22 to the Democratic Attorneys General Association, which was funding a super PAC supporting Stevenson
• $25,000 on Sept. 6 to the National Republican Congressional Committee.
• $25,000 on Sept. 19 to the National Republican Congressional Committee.
• $550,000 on Oct. 3 to the Democratic Grassroots Victory Committee.
• $40,000 on Oct. 23 to DAGA Kentucky People’s Lawyer Project, the super PAC supporting Stevenson.

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A $1.9 million transfer last month from the Democratic National Committee to the Kentucky Democratic Party helped ensure that Gov. Andy Beshear and First Lady Britainy Beshear, above, would have something to celebrate on election night. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Austin Anthony)

FRANKFORT — The aggressive fundraising drive by the Kentucky Democratic Party in support of Gov. Andy Beshear’s reelection did not take its foot off the gas in October, raising more than triple what the Republican Party of Kentucky collected in the same period.

The KDP brought in? $491,474 in contributions during the final full month before the Nov. 7 election, while the RPK raised $161,858, according to reports the parties filed early this week with the Federal Election Commission.

The contributions (most from people but a few from traditional political action committees) represent only part of the financial picture as each party also gets transfers of money from affiliated political committees. And this is where the KDP padded its lead in October, getting $1.9 million from the Democratic National Committee.

When all contributions and transfers are accounted for, the KDP reported $2.45 million in total receipts in October compared to $413,000 for the RPK in total receipts for the month.

The big fundraising margin for the Democrats mirrored the huge financial margin Beshear’s campaign committee had over the campaign of Republican Attorney General Daniel Cameron and was a factor in Beshear’s win on Election Day when he gathered 52.5 percent of the vote.

Republican candidates, however, won by wide margins the elections for other statewide offices: attorney general, secretary of state, agriculture commissioner, auditor and treasurer.?

The Democratic Party’s biggest expenses during the month, according to the party’s FEC report, included $1.9 million for direct mail and $425,000 for canvassing voters. It also reported making a $200,000 transfer to the Ohio Democratic Party on Oct. 5. The Lantern was unable to reach KDP officials on Wednesday for an explanation of the transfer to the Ohio party.

The largest expenses for the Kentucky Republican Party for the month were about $707,000 for direct mail and $400,000 in contributions to Cameron’s campaign committee.

As of Oct. 31, one week before Election Day, the Republican Party reported having $1.45 million in cash on hand, the Democratic Party reported having $1.1 million on hand.

An interesting aspect of the list of donors filed by each party is that most of the largest donors — those giving the maximum $10,000 allowed under federal law — could not have voted for either Beshear or Cameron if they vote in the same state as their home addresses listed in FEC reports.

Donors listed as giving $10,000 to the Kentucky Democratic Party in October:

Curtis Aiken, Pittsburgh, Pa., ProTech Compliance

Frank Antonacci, Somers, Conn., Antonacci Horse Breeding

Gerald Antonacci, Enfield, Conn., F&G Recycling, owner/partner

Rita Armitage, Vestavia, Ala., ophthalmologist

Ann Bakhaus, Lexington, Kentucky Eagle, president

Lee Douglas Beard, Bowling Green, Gaddie Shamrock, road contractor

Roy Beard, Bowling Green, Gaddie Shamrock, road contractor

Laura Lee Brown, Louisville, retired

Cheetah Clean Holding Company, Bowling Green

Darren Cleary, Tompkinsville, Cleary Construction, owner

James C. Davis, Hanover, Md., Allegis Group, co-founder

Marc Falcone, Las Vegas, Nev., executive

Tracy W. Farmer, Naples, Fla., Shadowlawn Farm, owner

Sean Flaherty, Bridgewater, Mass., Keches Law Group, attorney

David Heidrich, Villa Hills, Zalla Companies, CEO

Sandeep Kapoor, Frankfort, Health Tech Solutions, CEO

William Little, New York, N.Y., retired

Joseph Loconti, Mayfield Heights, Ohio, Evergreen Insurance, CEO

John Moore, Louisville, Altria, executive

Mary Niehaus, Falcon Heights, Minn., Health Tech Solutions

John Osborne, West Palm Beach, Fla., Global Risk Capital, managing partner,

Whitney Parke, Summer Shade, retired

Andy Penry, Raleigh, N.C., attorney

John Potter, Lexington, Hawkeye Construction, owner

John Sall, Cary, N.C., SAS Institute, executive

Virginia Sall, Cary, N.C., homemaker

John Selent, Louisville, Dinsmore and Shohl, attorney

Duane Wall, New York, N.Y., White and Case, lawyer

Steve Wilson, Louisville, 21C Museum Hotels, CEO

Donors listed as giving $10,000 to the Republican Party of Kentucky in October:

Jo Barron, Owensboro, homemaker

James Davis, Hanover, Md., retired

Kelly Loeffler, Atlanta, Ga., vice president, International Exchange Inc.

1. Ross Perot Jr., Dallas, Texas, Hillwood Development, chairman

Joseph Popolo Jr., Dallas, Texas, Charles and Potomac Capital, CEO

Kenny Trout, Dallas, Texas, Winstar Farm, owner

Kelcy Warren, Dallas, Texas, Energy Transfer Partners, CEO

Holly Whitaker, West Somerset, retired

Michael Whitaker, West Somerset, Eagle Realty, owner

Kim Withrow, Owensboro, Henry’s Plumbing, co-owner

Randall Weddle, then a candidate for London mayor, listens as Gov. Andy Beshear helps celebrate the opening of WB Transport's new warehouse in April 2022. (Screenshot with permission of WYMT)

FRANKFORT —? State campaign finance regulators have launched a civil investigation into the excess campaign contributions given by London Mayor Randall Weddle to the reelection campaign of Gov. Andy Beshear and the Kentucky Democratic Party.

The Kentucky Registry of Election Finance (KREF) on Monday mailed notice of the investigation to Weddle and other interested parties.

The action marks the first evidence that any public agency is investigating the bundles of more than $300,000 in political contributions to Beshear and the KDP first identified as being large and unusual in a story by Kentucky Lantern on April 17.

State law gives KREF authority to investigate suspected violations of campaign finance law and — if it concludes a violation has occurred — impose a fine. KREF also can refer the matter to the attorney general or local prosecutor for further investigation of possible criminal violations.

The notice sent out Monday included a copy of an “internal complaint” signed by KREF Executive Director John Steffen alleging that Weddle and his wife Victoria “may have violated” the state law that prohibits a person from giving excess donations to a candidate or political party by donating in the names of other persons.

The notice says KREF has merged this new investigation with an earlier complaint filed against Weddle alleging violations of campaign finance laws in his 2022 campaign for mayor of London, the county seat of Laurel County. A copy of the notice was mailed to the person who filed that earlier complaint, Charles Douglas Phelps, who provided a copy of it to the Lantern.

The investigation process outlined in state laws and regulations gives Weddle 15 days to respond to the notice.

Weddle did not return a phone message left Thursday at the London mayor’s office. His attorney, Douglas McSwain, of Lexington, also did not return a phone message.

Steffen of KREF declined comment.

On April 17 Kentucky Lantern published a story that said campaign finance reports showed that Weddle’s family, employees and close business associates comprised a group of 19 donors who had given more money than any other group to boost the reelection hopes of Beshear — at least $305,500 in contributions to the Beshear campaign and Kentucky Democratic Party. None of these donors, Kentucky Lantern reported, had ever before made a large political donation.

At the time, Weddle noted he was not listed as a donor, and said he did not know how the big contributions of all of his family members and persons associated with a company he co-founded, W.B Transport, came about.

Initially Beshear, his campaign and party said there was no reason to suspect the contributions as being improper.

But on May 2, attorneys for the Beshear campaign and KDP contacted the election registry to report that they had been told by Weddle that $202,000 in contributions attributed in required disclosures to various relatives or associates of Weddle were actually made on a credit card belonging to Randall Weddle and his wife Victoria.

Steffen cited correspondence the registry received from attorneys for the Beshear campaign and the KDP stating that the contributions were made on the Weddle credit card as the basis for the “internal complaint” he signed against Weddle.

On June 19, the Beshear re-election campaign made this information public in a news release that said the campaign and KDP had inadvertently accepted $202,000 in “excess” contributions made in the names of other people but drawn on the Weddle credit card. The news release said the campaign and party had refunded these contributions.

State and federal laws limit how much a person can donate to a candidate or political party. At the time of the questionable contributions, the limit was $2,000 per election to a candidate and no more than $15,000 a year to a state political party. The limit on contributions to candidates has since been raised to $2,100 per election. State law makes it a crime for someone to willfully make excess donations by giving through the names of third-party “straw” donors.

Because he was actively running against Beshear for governor this summer when word of the excess contributions became public, Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron was barred by a state ethics commission opinion from investigating this matter. Cameron’s office referred the matter to the FBI, but the FBI has declined to say whether it is investigating.

If the registry’s board ultimately finds that someone violated campaign finance laws, it can impose a fine of up to $5,000 per violation. If it finds evidence of possible criminal violations, it can only refer that evidence to the attorney general or local prosecutor for possible investigation.

Eric Hyers, manager of Beshear’s campaign, did not return an email from Kentucky Lantern.

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Andy Beshear, left, and Daniel Cameron. (Kentucky Lantern photos by Austin Anthony)

FRANKFORT — About $65 million will be spent in Kentucky’s 2023 general election for governor by the campaigns of Gov. Andy Beshear, his Republican challenger Attorney General Daniel Cameron and myriad outside groups advocating one candidate or the other.

Through Oct. 23, the Beshear campaign reported it had raised $18.8 million — three and a half times the nearly $5.4 million that Cameron’s campaign reported it had raised through Oct. 23.

The disclosure reports filed by Beshear’s campaign paint a picture of an aggressive fundraiser who has held 115 fundraising events since the primary election. They tell a story of the advantages of incumbency and a candidate who has raised bundles of contributions from his appointees, state contractors and many other businesses regulated by the state.

Beshear is likely to need every penny.

That’s because Cameron narrows — but does not close — the money gap by raising more than Beshear from the outside groups. It is why television viewers might have the impression they have seen as many Cameron ads as Beshear ads.

Cameron has that edge in outside committee money because he has something Beshear lacks: Billionaires willing to give very big.

Four outside groups funded by billionaire Republican mega-donors Jeff Yass, of Pennsylvania, and Richard Uihlein, of Illinois, have reported spending $9 million on advertising attacking Beshear and promoting Cameron since mid-summer.

Combined with spending by two other big pro-Cameron super PACs, outside groups spent $24 million to help elect Cameron, according to the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance.

Democratic outside groups, the KREF website shows, have spent $17 million to help elect Beshear.

When outside committee spending is added to campaign fundraising, the Beshear side has about $35 million compared to about $30 million for the Cameron side.

Here’s a look at the important political committees raising and spending the big bucks. Included in this list are the executive committees of the state Democratic and Republican parties, which do not directly buy advertising but contribute both cash and “in kind” services to their candidates for governor. Not included in this list are several small outside groups which have spent relatively small amounts advocating for Beshear or Cameron.

Andy Beshear for Governor

What is it? Andy Beshear’s campaign committee.

How big an impact? Massive. Andy Beshear for Governor has raised $18.8 million. (That’s $15.4 million from people, nearly $400,000 from traditional PACs, and $3 million from the Kentucky Democratic Party.) That total is by far the most money ever raised by a campaign for Kentucky governor.

Limit on donations? Yes. Individuals and traditional PACs are limited to giving no more than $4,200. (That’s $2,100 for the primary election plus $2,100 for the general election.)

Disclose its donors? Yes. Donor names must be reported to the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance.

Note: Beshear launched his reelection campaign early — on Oct. 1, 2021. The reports filed by the Beshear campaign with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance list 31,000 contributions. Beshear has the huge advantage of being an incumbent governor seeking reelection, drawing maximum contributions from road contractors, his appointees to prestigious state boards like the University of Kentucky Board of Trustees, various businesses closely regulated by the state, and many others eager to stay on friendly terms with the current administration. Also, as an incumbent, he did not draw serious opposition in the primary and could save the early money he raised and transfer it to the general election. Cameron had to spend all the early money he raised to secure his win in the crowded Republican primary. It’s important to note that money given to a candidate’s own campaign committee goes much further than money given to a super PAC for several reasons, primarily because television stations charge super PACs much more for air time than they charge campaign committees of candidates.

Kentucky Democratic Party

What is it: State party executive committee.

How big an impact?? Very big. The Kentucky Democratic Party has also aggressively raised money for the past two years allowing it to contribute $3 million in cash directly to the Beshear campaign committee on Sept. 7. The KDP also has contributed $4.5 million in “in kind” services to the Beshear campaign.

Limit on donations? Yes. A person is limited to giving no more than $15,000 per year.

Disclose its donors? Yes. Donor names must be reported to the Federal Election Commission or the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance.

Note: Beshear has likewise been aggressive in raising money for the party since winning election as governor in 2019. While the party supports all of its candidates for state and local office, Democrats in Kentucky hold few high elective offices and the party has focused on retaining the one big office it does hold — the governorship. The close partnership between the party and the Beshear campaign (the party and the Beshear campaign have the same treasurer) has been an under-rated advantage for Beshear in this election.

Defending Bluegrass Values

What is it: The main super PAC supporting Beshear’s re-election. It is affiliated with the Democratic Governors Association, which is its largest donor by far.

Impact? Very big. Defending Bluegrass Values has been a major player, buying ads immediately after the primary election. Through Oct. 23 it raised about $17 million, with the Democratic Governors Association contributing about 80% of that. This is more than triple what the Democratic Governors Association gave to the super PAC supporting Beshear’s election in 2019

Limit on donations? No. A person or corporation or labor union can give unlimited amounts.

Disclose its donors? Yes. Donor names must be reported to the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance. (But there is a gap here: The largest donor to Defending Bluegrass Values is the Democratic Governors Association. Donors to the Democratic Governors Association prior to July 1 are posted on an IRS website, but donations since June 30 will not be posted until January.)

Note: Defending Bluegrass Values also got significant donations from labor unions and teacher unions. The largest of these other donations were: $1 million from the NEA Advocacy Fund, supported by members of the National Education Association; $400,000 from the United Association of Journeymen and Apprentices of the Plumbing and Pipefitting Industry; $250,000 from the IBEW PAC Educational Fund.

Daniel Cameron for Governor

What is it? Daniel Cameron’s campaign committee

Total raised? $5.35 million. (That’s $4,472,000 from people; $126,000 from traditional PACs; and $752,000 from Republican Party of Kentucky and county GOP committees.)

Impact? Big. While $5.35 million is a lot of money, it is far less than a third of what Beshear’s campaign has raised. Beshear started fundraising seven months before Cameron.? And Cameron spent about $1.5 million of what he’s raised in winning his landslide victory in the May GOP primary.

Limits on donations? Yes. A person can give no more than $4,200.

Does it disclose its donors? Yes. Names of donors must be disclosed to Kentucky Registry of Election Finance.

NOTE: Cameron’s fundraising has been weak compared to Beshear’s. He lacks the advantages of being the incumbent governor. Also, the biggest Republican donors and fundraisers from Kentucky in recent years — Joe Craft of Alliance Coal and his wife Kelly Craft — have sat this race out so far. Cameron thrashed Kelly Craft in the Republican primary election for governor in May, and Kelly Craft made it clear she is upset with Cameron over attack ads aired against her in the spring.?

Republican Party of Kentucky, Frankfort

What is it? Political party executive committee

Impact? Big, but unlike Beshear and the Democrats, the RPK had to wait until after a divisive primary before getting behind Cameron. Also, because Republicans hold so many elective offices (two U.S. senators, five of six U.S. House seats, all five “down ballot” statewide constitutional officers, 111 of 138 seats in General Assembly) the party’s priorities are much more diverse than the Democratic Party. Note that during the general election so far the Kentucky Democratic Party has transferred $3 million in cash to Beshear’s campaign. The Republican Party of Kentucky has transferred only $700,000 in cash to the Cameron campaign. The Cameron campaign reports getting about $1.1 million in “in kind” services from the RPK.

Limits on donations? Yes. A person can give no more than $15,000 per year.

Does it disclose its donors? Yes. Names of donors are disclosed to the Federal Election Commission and the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance.

Kentucky Values

What is it? A major super PAC supporting Daniel Cameron that gets its money from the Republican Governors Association.

Impact? Very big.? The Republican Governors Association contributed $12 million to Kentucky Values during the general election.This means Kentucky Values has had more than twice as much money to spend in the general election than Cameron’s campaign committee.

Limits on donations? No. A person, corporation or other group can give unlimited amounts to the Republican Governors Association which, in turn, gives to Kentucky Values.

Does it disclose its donors? Yes. Names of donors must be disclosed to the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance. (Again, there is a serious gap in disclosure here. Kentucky Values discloses its donor, which is the Republican Governors Association. While the donors to the Republican Governors Association prior to July 1 have been disclosed, donations since June 30 will not be posted until January.)

NOTE: The RGA is a major player in campaigns for governor across the country, raising contributions of unlimited amounts from big corporations that lobby state governments. Like the DGA, it considers Kentucky a priority year Kentucky governor campaigns, in 2019 it gave $8.5 million to a super PAC supporting the reelection of Gov. Matt Bevin.

Bluegrass Freedom Action

What is it? A super PAC supporting Daniel Cameron that gets most of its money from a “dark money” donor, The Concord Fund, a conservative group based in Washington, D.C. This super PAC was essential in keeping Cameron on the airwaves in the primary election. It actually raised and spent double the amount raised and spent by Cameron’s campaign in the primary.

Impact? Very big. It has raised about $5.5 million since it was formed in August 2022.

Limits on donations? No. People, corporations and other groups can give unlimited amounts to a super PAC.

Does it disclose the names of its donors? Yes and no. Technically, it discloses names of all donors and the amounts each gave to the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance. But its major donor listed is The Concord Fund, which gave $3.3 million of the $5.5 million in contributions to Bluegrass Freedom Action since it was formed. And The Concord Fund is a dark money group, meaning it does not disclose its donors. A second dark money group, American Policy Coalition, has given $530,000 to Bluegrass Freedom Action. So, the donors of about 70 percent of the money given to this big Cameron super PAC are unknown.

NOTE: The only significant amount of dark money contributed so far in the governor’s race is the money donated by The Concord Fund and the American Policy Coalition.

School Freedom Fund

What is it? A super PAC funded by Jeff Yass, the billionaire Pennsylvania options trader who has been U.S. Sen. Rand Paul’s chief political benefactor for the past eight years.

Impact? Big. School Freedom Fund has spent $3 million on advertising to help Cameron

Limits on donations? No.?

Does it disclose the names of its donors? Yes. Donor names are reported to the Federal Election Commission.

NOTE: School Freedom Fund is affiliated with the huge anti-tax super PAC Club for Growth, which is mostly funded by Yass and Richard Uihlein, the Illinois billionaire and mega-donor.

Protect Freedom PAC

What is it? A super-PAC affiliated with U.S. Sen. Rand Paul and funded by Jeff Yass.

Impact? Big. Protect Freedom has spent $2.1 million to help elect Cameron.

Limits on donations? No. (Yass has given $18 million to Protect Freedom since 2017, most recently a $3 million donation in late June.)

Does it disclose its donors? Yes. Donor names are reported to the Federal Election Commission.

American Principles Project PAC

What is it? A?super PAC that is part of a network of political committees largely funded by Republican mega-donor Richard Uihlein, a billionaire from Lake Forest, Illinois.

How big an impact? Big. Through Oct. 24 it reported spending $1.5 million to promote Cameron’s election.

Limits on donations? No. A super PAC can take donations of unlimited amounts from people or corporations.

Disclose its donors? Yes, American Principles discloses its donations and spending to the Federal Election Commission.

NOTE: FEC records show that American Principles is largely funded by a different super PAC called Restoration PAC. But Restoration PAC gets about 80 percent of its money from Uihlein. Uihlein gave $39 million to Restoration PAC since the spring of 2021.

Club for Growth Action

What is it? A major national super PAC. Although it has many donors, Uihlein has given it about one-third of its donations in recent years, and Yass has given about another third.

How big an impact? Significant because while it has reported spending only $2 million (for attack ads against Beshear), all of that spending has occurred in the last month of the fall campaign.

Limits on donations? No. A person or organization can give unlimited amounts.

Disclose its donors? Yes. Names of donors are reported to the Federal Election Commission.

Randall Weddle, then a candidate for London mayor, listens as Gov. Andy Beshear helps celebrate the opening of WB Transport's new warehouse in April 2022. (Screenshot with permission of WYMT)

FRANKFORT — Soon after Gov. Andy Beshear’s campaign committee and the Kentucky Democratic Party refunded $202,000 in excess contributions to him, London Mayor Randall Weddle began giving large contributions to promote the election of Democrat Pamela Stevenson for state attorney general.

On June 20, Weddle donated $2,000 to Stevenson’s campaign.

On June 26, he gave $100,000 to the Democratic Attorneys General Association (DAGA), a Washington-based group that funds a super PAC that is running an advertising campaign to promote Stevenson’s election as attorney general over Republican nominee Russell Coleman.

And on Monday, Weddle gave $40,000 directly to that pro-Stevenson super PAC which is called DAGA Kentucky People’s Lawyer Project.

That adds up to $142,000 given by Weddle to help elect Stevenson on Nov. 7.

It is by far the most donated by any person or corporation this year to the political committees supporting Stevenson. In fact, Weddle is the only Kentuckian who gave more than $5,000 to either the Democratic Attorneys General Association or the DAGA Kentucky People’s Lawyer Project this year, according to disclosure reports filed by those groups.

Weddle did not return phone calls made Friday morning by Kentucky Lantern to his cell phone and to the London mayor’s office.

Stevenson’s campaign, contacted later Friday, told the the Lantern it had no response.

Excess contributions controversy

Weddle is at the center of a controversy over the excess contributions he made to the Beshear campaign and the Kentucky Democratic Party, a controversy first brought to light by Kentucky Lantern.

On April 17, ?the Lantern reported that Weddle’s family and employees of a company he founded called WB Transport provided the largest bundle of contributions supporting Beshear’s reelection — at least $305,500 donated to the? Beshear campaign and the Kentucky Democratic Party.

Weddle noted in that report that he personally had not made any donation to Beshear and said he knew little about how his wife, children, siblings, other family members and employees all came to give big contributions to the Beshear political causes.

For his part, Beshear initially defended the contributions during an April 20 news conference.

However, in the days following that news conference attorneys for the Beshear campaign and Democratic Party contacted the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance to inform the agency that they had learned from Weddle that $202,000 of the contributions attributed in initial reports to Weddle’s family members and employees were contributions actually drawn on a credit card belonging to Randall Weddle and his wife Victoria.

State and federal laws limit how much any individual can contribute to a candidate’s campaign committee or to a state political party. (The limit is $2,100 per election to a candidate committee and $15,000 per year to a state political party.) However, there are no limits on how much a person or corporation can give to organizations such as DAGA and DAGA Kentucky People’s Lawyer Project.

In the following weeks, the Kentucky Democratic Party and the Beshear campaign refunded $202,000 to Weddle for what they said were excess donations he made in the names of others.

And on June 19, Eric Hyers, manager of Beshear’s campaign, disclosed in a news release that the refunds had been made. Hyers said that the campaign and party accepted the excess contributions by mistake because the system used to process contributions did not detect that multiple contributions were made on one credit card. He said the party and campaign followed the guidance of the election registry in making prompt refunds and that safeguards were installed in systems that process contributions so that the problem could not recur.

Request for investigation

It is a crime to knowingly make excess political contributions in the names of straw donors. But Attorney General Daniel Cameron, who is running against Beshear in the governor’s race, is barred from conducting such an investigation under an Executive Branch Ethics Commission opinion that essentially says an elected official cannot investigate a person he or she is running against in an active campaign.

Cameron’s office asked the FBI to investigate the Weddle contributions to Beshear and the Democratic Party.

Kentucky Lantern on Friday asked the FBI office in Louisville if it was investigating the matter. The FBI replied with an email that said, “Department of Justice policy precludes us from either confirming or denying the existence of such an investigation.”

Stevenson, of Louisville, is a member of the Kentucky House of Representatives, and during her campaign is stressing her experience as a U.S. Air Force colonel and as a military attorney in ?the Judge Advocate General’s Corps. Through Monday her campaign reported it had raised $328,000. That’s far less than Coleman’s campaign, which through Monday reported raising $1,156,000.

But Stevenson’s message this fall is also being broadcast by the Kentucky People’s Lawyer Project, the super PAC affiliated with the Democratic Attorneys General Association. Through Monday, DAGA has given $750,000 to this super PAC. Otherwise, it has reported only two donations: the $40,000 from Weddle and $5,000 from one other donor.

In July DAGA filed a required list of its contributors and expenses for the first six months of this year with the Internal Revenue Service. That report shows DAGA raised nearly $7 million during the first half of this year. Most of that money came from large contributions of corporations across the country. The only large contribution it received this year from Kentucky was the $100,000 from Weddle. Asked about the large Weddle contributions, a DAGA spokesperson replied with a general statement saying, “We have all hands on deck to defeat Russell Coleman …”

Coleman, a former FBI agent, served as U.S. attorney in the Western District of Kentucky after being appointed by President Donald Trump.

Sean Southard, spokesman for the Republican Party of Kentucky, said, “It’s clear what’s happening here. Randall Weddle is trying to buy a ‘get-out-of-jail free’ card from Pam Stevenson. He already ran a successful pay-to-play scheme with Beshear so he’s trying to do it again.”

Gov. Andy Beshear, left, and Attorney General Daniel Cameron took to the KET debate stage earlier this week. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Matthew Mueller)

FRANKFORT — The final campaign finance reports filed before Election Day show Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s general election committee has raised and spent far more than four times the amount of money that has been raised and spent by his Republican challenger, Attorney General Daniel Cameron.

Reports filed by the two campaigns? with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance this week show that in the past 15 days the Beshear campaign raised $850,000, and the Cameron campaign raised $481,000.

For the entire general election campaign through Monday Beshear reports $17.3 million in total receipts compared to just $3.9 million for Cameron.

But the finances of the two candidate committees tell only part of the money story in the hotly contested race for governor. That’s because well-funded independent super PACs are also spending big for both sides. Multiple conservative super PACs have run ad campaigns attacking Beshear and allowed the Cameron side to be competitive on the airwaves as the campaign draws to a close.

Here’s a look at the final numbers available before Election Day ?for both the campaigns and some of the super PACs.

The campaigns

Since the May primary Beshear has raised $8.1 million from people. This is an extraordinary amount because individuals are limited to giving not more than $2,100. Beshear has raised $200,000 from traditional political action committees, and received $3 million from the Kentucky Democratic Party. That plus nearly $6 million he had left over from his primary election campaign — in which he faced no serious opposition — brought his general election campaign’s total receipts to $17.3 million.

Cameron reports raising nearly $3 million from people through the general election cycle. He raised $111,000 from traditional PACs, and $700,000 from the Republican Party of Kentucky. (The RPK gave $250,000 of that in the last two weeks, which amounts to more than half of the $481,000 in total receipts Cameron reported in the report he filed this week.) When a small amount left from Cameron’s hotly contested primary election campaign and some small contributions from local Republican Party committees are added, the total receipts for Cameron’s campaign reach nearly $3.9 million.

Super PACs

American Principles Project PAC-Kentucky is an independent organization supporting Cameron and attacking Beshear. A report it filed this week shows it got a single contribution of $170,000 in the past two weeks from a group that calls itself Our United Voice, of Washington, D.C. Previous to that contribution, American Principles Project PAC Kentucky got $1.5 million in donations from a super PAC funded by Illinois billionaire and megadoner Richard Uihlein.

Another major pro-Cameron super PAC called Bluegrass Freedom Action reported raising $139,950 in the past two weeks. Of that, $75,000 came in a contribution from Bob Hutchison, who is retired and lives in Staffordsville. Another $25,000 of it came from Cep Holdings, of Louisville.

A third pro-Cameron outside group called Kentucky Values is affiliated with the Republican Governors Association. It reported getting $2.25 million in contributions from the Republican Governors Association in the past two weeks.

The main super PAC supporting Beshear is called Defending Bluegrass Values. It reported getting $3,935,000 in contributions in early October from the Democratic Governors Association.

Unlike traditional political action committees, super PACS can raise and spend unlimited amounts of money to advocate for a candidate but are barred from coordinating their efforts with the campaign. Super PACS arose after a 2010 federal court decision.

In December 2019, then-President Donald Trump and then-Ambassador Kelly Craft spoke to the media during a luncheon with representatives of the United Nations Security Council in the Cabinet Room at the White House. (Photo by Mark Wilson/Getty Images)

FRANKFORT — Kelly Craft, who failed to secure Donald Trump’s endorsement in last May’s Republican primary for Kentucky governor, has donated to six Republican candidates for president in recent months.

None of the six is Donald Trump.

Reports filed with the Federal Election Commission show that since June 26 Kelly Craft and her husband Joe Craft, chief executive of Alliance Coal, each contributed $6,600 — the maximum allowed by law — to the presidential campaigns of former Vice President Mike Pence, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy, and former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley. Each also gave $3,300 to the presidential campaign of Miami Mayor Francis Suarez, who suspended his campaign in late September.

In addition, FEC records show that Kelly and Joe Craft each contributed $5,000 to another DeSantis-related political committee called Team Desantis.

DeSantis endorsed Craft in the May primary campaign for governor.

That adds up to $82,600 in contributions from the Crafts to alternatives to Trump in the large field of candidates seeking the 2024 Republican nomination for president.

Kelly Craft did not reply to text messages sent to her by Kentucky Lantern seeking comment on why she and her husband contributed to campaigns of these alternatives to Trump, who polls show is running far ahead of all of his rivals for the GOP nomination for president next year.

For many years Joe Craft has been a major donor to the committees and causes of many Republican candidates, including Trump. For instance, in 2017 he gave $1 million to Trump’s inauguration fund, and in 2020 he gave $500,000 to a political committee called America First Action which supported candidates who backed then-President Trump’s policy agenda.

As president, Trump nominated Kelly Craft to be the U.S. ambassador to Canada, and he later nominated her to be U.S. ambassador to the United Nations.

In May of 2022 Trump came to Louisville for a political fundraiser of his own and made a brief public appearance at Churchill Downs just before the Kentucky Derby where he was photographed flanked by Kelly and Joe Craft.

But the following month Trump gave an early and unequivocal endorsement in Kentucky’s 2023 governor’s race to Republican Attorney General Daniel Cameron. That was before Craft had formally entered the race for governor.

Cameron emphasized his endorsement by Trump (who won Kentucky in the 2020 presidential election by 26 points over Democrat Joe Biden) throughout the primary election, which he won by a landslide margin over Craft and other Republican contenders. Cameron continues to highlight the endorsement this fall in the general election against incumbent Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear.

Daniel Cameron, left, and Andy Beshear. (Austin Anthony, Getty Images)

FRANKFORT — Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s reelection campaign raised nearly $1.5 million in the past month compared to about $530,000 raised by the campaign of his opponent, Republican Attorney General Daniel Cameron.

Disclosure reports filed by the two campaigns late Wednesday with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance continue to show the Beshear campaign with a huge fundraising advantage. Since he launched his campaign in October of 2021, Beshear has reported raising nearly $18 million. Since Cameron started campaigning in May of 2022, his campaign has reported raising about $5 million.

Beshear’s campaign reports having $1.9 million on hand with a month to go before the election, Cameron reports having $968,000 on hand.

Beshear campaign manager Eric Hyers said in a news release late Wednesday, “Once again, our fundraising report shows sky-high enthusiasm for the governor that is reflected on the ground, in polling and the millions raised to support our campaign.”

Sean Southard, spokesman for the Republican Party of Kentucky, said in a news release, “Team Cameron has the resources to win on November 7. Andy Beshear is bankrolled by Joe Biden. We are running an aggressive campaign around the state. This fall, Kentuckians will retire the Beshear family once and for all.” (Southard’s comment “bankrolled by Joe Biden” refers to a contribution of $250,000 made earlier this year by the Biden Victory Fund to the Kentucky Democratic Party.)

Although the big fundraising edge for Beshear’s campaign is important, it tells only part of the story about money’s impact on this election. Well-heeled, independent super PACs have been spending millions on advertising for each candidate since shortly after the primary elections in May. Unlike traditional political action committees, super PACS can raise and spend unlimited amounts of money to advocate for a candidate but are barred from coordinating their efforts with the campaign. Super PACS arose after a 2010 federal court decision.

Earlier this week, a super PAC called Kentucky Values that is funded by the Republican Governors Association, reported that it had raised a total of $9.5 million so far in this campaign and had spent nearly $9.2 million of that to promote Cameron’s election.

Another conservative super PAC supporting Cameron called Bluegrass Freedom Action reported this week that it had raised $733,180 in the past month. Of that total, it reported $530,000 came from American Policy Coalition Inc., a dark money group based in Alexandria, Virginia.

On the Beshear side, a super PAC called Defending Bluegrass Values that is mostly funded by the Democratic Governors Association, reported that it had raised $12 million to date and had spent nearly all of it on advertising aimed at electing Beshear.

Although Defending Bluegrass Values gets far more than half of its money from the Democratic Governors Association, it also gets some big contributions from trade unions and teacher unions. The largest such contribution it got last month was $500,000 from the National Education Association Advocacy Fund, of Washington.

The sign outside the Frankfort headquarters of the Republican Party of Kentucky. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Tom Loftus)

FRANKFORT — Add aerospace giant Boeing to the list of companies with vital lobbying interests in Washington to make a big contribution to renovate and expand the Republican Party of Kentucky’s headquarters — a building that stands a few blocks from the Kentucky Capitol and is named in honor of U.S. Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell, one of the most powerful people in Washington.

A report filed Tuesday by the Republican Party of Kentucky with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance discloses that The Boeing Company PAC, of Arlington, Virginia, gave $100,000 on Sept. 5 to the Kentucky GOP’s building fund.

That brings to $2.75 million the total of donations in the past 12 months from big companies or their PACs — all based outside Kentucky — to renovate and expand the Mitch McConnell Building. Here’s the complete list of donors to the fund since late 2022:?

• Pfizer Inc., New York, New York ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$1,000,000
• NWO Resources, Greenwood Village, Colorado ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500,000
• Metropolitan Life Insurance Co., New York, New York ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?? $300,000
• Verizon, Washington, D.C. ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $300,000
• AT&T, St. Louis, Missouri ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$200,000
• The Boeing Company PAC, Arlington, Virginia ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $100,000
• Altria Client Services LLC (Philip Morris), Richmond, Virginia? ? ?$100,000
• Microsoft Corporation, Reno, Nevada ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$100,000
• Comcast Corporation, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$100,000
• Delta Air Lines Inc., Atlanta, Georgia ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $50,000

The amount of money a person or PAC can give to most political committees is limited. (For instance, a person can give no more than $2,100 per election to a candidate for Kentucky governor, and corporation contributions are prohibited.) But a bill passed by the Kentucky General Assembly in 2017 allowed each political party to establish a building fund which can accept contributions of unlimited amounts and accept corporation donations.??

Late Tuesday, Sean Southard, spokesman for the Kentucky GOP, replied to questions from the Lantern with an email that said in part: “We are taking on this renovation and expansion as we need additional space. We have a lot more staff than we used to and many more Republicans we need to support. As we raise funds into the building fund account, we are following both federal and state law. The funds raised into this account can only be used for certain expenditures related to the building and are not eligible to be spent on candidate or issue advocacy.”

The report filed by the Republican building fund on Tuesday also shows that since July 1 the fund has paid $15,000 in fundraising consulting fees to Haney Consulting. That brings to $60,000 the amount paid by the building fund this year to Haney Consulting, a firm owned and operated by McConnell’s longtime chief fundraising consultant Laura Haney.

As of Sept. 30 the Republican building fund reported having $2,715,122 in cash on hand for its pending renovation and expansion project.

The Kentucky Democratic Party building fund reported less than $1,000 in receipts and expenses during the past three months. It reported having $339,254 on hand as of Sept. 30.

Daniel Cameron, left, and Andy Beshear. (Austin Anthony, Getty Images)

FRANKFORT – Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear’s campaign outraised Republican challenger Daniel Cameron by more than double the amount of money in the first phase of Kentucky’s general election.?

Beshear raised nearly $5.8 million since the primary election in May compared to about $2.35 million raised by Cameron, according to reports filed Tuesday with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance.

Beshear’s huge fundraising edge is significant, but as the ad wars raging on television screens over the summer as well as reports filed by outside groups this week prove, the money raised by the two candidates will be only part of the story: Myriad outside groups are also raising large amounts to push for the election of Beshear or Cameron.

If Cameron continues to hold the confidence of three well-heeled donors to outside groups — the Republican Governors Association, a conservative “dark money” group called The Concord Fund and Wall Street billionaire Jeff Yass — his message is likely to be competitive with Beshear’s until Nov. 7.

Here’s a quick look at reports filed Tuesday with the election registry.

Beshear campaign committee

Beshear reported nearly $5.8 million in contributions plus more than $6.2 million in unspent funds carried forward from his primary election campaign committee, plus $3 million contributed by the Kentucky Democratic Party. That totals a whopping $15 million.

The Beshear campaign reported spending nearly $10.8 million, leaving $4.2 million cash on hand.

Beshear’s report is voluminous, listing 8,752 contributions from individuals. (State law limits the amount any person can donate to a candidate for governor to $2,100 per election.)

The list of donors reflects the power of incumbency in raising money. Many state employees, appointees of Beshear to prestigious state boards, highway contractors, highway engineers and officials of companies closely regulated by the state are listed among the donors.

Cameron campaign committee??

Cameron reported nearly $2.35 million in contributions, plus $450,000 donated by the Republican Party of Kentucky and only $15,500 in unspent funds carried forward from his competitive primary election campaign. That totals a bit more than $2.8 million in total receipts.

The campaign reported spending about $1.4 million, leaving it with $1.4 million in cash on hand.

Beshear outside groups

The main outside group supporting Beshear,? Defending Bluegrass Values, gets most of its money from the Democratic Governors Association, but also significant contributions from organized labor.

Defending Bluegrass Values reported a bit over $4 million in contributions over the summer, with $2.5 million of that donated by the Democratic Governors Association. The Democratic Governors Association does disclose the names of its donors.

Other big donors included $500,000 from the National Education Association Advocacy Fund and $400,000 from the United Association of Journeymen and Apprentices of the Plumbing and Pipefitting Industry.

Defending Bluegrass Values reported spending about $3.8 million, and reports a current balance on hand of $276,000.

Kentucky Family Values, another super PAC supporting Beshear, reported $495,000 in donations over the summer. Its largest donations were $200,000 each from the political committees of the Kentucky Education Association and the Jefferson County Teachers Association.

Kentucky Family Values reported spending $350,000 for “field organizing services.”

Planned Parenthood Action Kentucky reported raising $200,000 from Planned Parenthood Action Fund Inc., of New York City. Its report shows it has yet to begin spending in the Kentucky governor’s race.

Cameron outside groups

Super PAC Bluegrass Freedom Action reported raising $1.75 million for its campaign that has aired attack ads against Behsear.

Most of its money — $1,050,000 — was donated by the conservative Washington-based “dark money” group The Concord Fund. In the primary election The Concord Fund also contributed $2,250,000 to Bluegrass Freedom Action — 75 percent of all money Bluegrass Freedom Action raised during the primary.

Like other super PACs and outside groups, Bluegrass Freedom Action can legally accept contributions of unlimited amounts. It must report the names of its donors to the Kentucky election registry.

But disclosing that The Concord Fund is a donor actually discloses almost nothing because The Concord Group is a type of contributing organization which is not required to disclose names of its donors.

The Concord Group is the only major dark money donor that has been active so far in Kentucky’s 2023 gubernatorial election.

Other large donors this summer to Bluegrass Freedom Action include: Bob Hutchison, Staffordsville, retired, $125,000; Kiki Courtelis, Georgetown, Town and Country Farms, $100,000; Safe Streets and Communities, Arlington, Va., $95,000; and Kenneth Fisher, Plano, Texas, chairman of Fisher Investments, $50,000.

Kentucky Values is another outside group advertising big to elect Cameron. It reported raising $8 million over the summer — all of it from the Republican Governors Association.

Kentucky Values reported spending $7.1 million? of that $8 million on advertising campaigns attacking Beshear. Most of the television ads you’ve seen attacking Beshear have been paid by the money the Republican Governors Association gave to Kentucky Values.

The Republican Governors Association gets contributions from across the country and does disclose the names of its donors.

Two outside groups supporting Cameron, Protect Freedom PAC and School Freedom Fund, which together have spent about $4 million on advertising attacking Beshear, are registered with the Federal Election Commission and were not required to file reports Tuesday. Both groups are largely funded by Yass.?

From left, Gov. Andy Besher, master of ceremonies David Beck and Attorney General Daniel Cameron on stage at the Fancy Farm Picnic, Aug. 5, 2023. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Austin Anthony)

FRANKFORT – A Wall Street billionaire and crusader for charter schools is bankrolling media attacks on Democratic incumbent Andy Beshear in Kentucky’s race for governor.

Jeff Yass, an options trader based in the Philadelphia suburbs, has provided the overwhelming majority of the money to two conservative super PACs that are behind a new multimillion dollar advertising campaign aimed at electing Beshear’s Republican challenger Daniel Cameron, the state’s attorney general.?

Digital ads released last week blame Beshear for the bungled opening day of school in Louisville, when a driver shortage and new transportation routing system stranded children on buses for hours.

Since 2015 Yass has been a generous supporter of Republican U.S. Sen. Rand Paul, and a super PAC linked to Paul called Protect Freedom is one PAC sponsoring the new ad campaign in the governor’s race. The other sponsor is a super PAC called School Freedom Fund.

On June 8, Yass contributed $3 million to Protect Freedom PAC, according to its most recent report to the Federal Election Commission.

Yass’ contribution amounted to 99.9% of the total contributions taken in by Protect Freedom in the first six months of this year, its report shows.

And it brought to $17,898,000 the amount that Yass has contributed to Protect Freedom since it was formed in 2017. A review of Protect Freedom’s filings with the FEC by Kentucky Lantern shows that since the beginning of 2022 it has gotten 99% of its contributions from Yass or Yass-funded PACs, and since its formation in 2017 has received about 73% of its contributions from Yass and Yass-supported PACs.

School Freedom Fund is also almost entirely funded by Yass. Since it was formed in late 2021, Yass has contributed $15 million to School Freedom Fund – about 92% of all the contributions that School Freedom Fund has ever collected, FEC records show.

In response to the digital ads linking Beshear to Louisville’s botched first day of school, the Kentucky Democratic Party issued a press release citing the super PAC ads as evidence that Cameron supports vouchers for private schools, saying that was something Cameron “didn’t seem to want to talk about … when he released his education plan this week.”

The Lexington Herald-Leader on Friday first reported that, according to a Protect Freedom spokesperson, the group was working with School Freedom on a combined $5 million digital, television, mail and get out the vote advertising program in Kentucky.

Michael Biundo, executive director of Protect Freedom PAC, said in an email response to questions from Kentucky Lantern, “Gov. Beshear has a record of failure on lockdowns, Covid, the economy, and crime. Kentucky is more conservative than he governs; it’s time for a conservative reformer as governor that will pass popular initiatives like school choice.”

Who is Jeff Yass?

According to numerous media outlets in Pennsylvania, Yass is a registered Libertarian who jealously guards his privacy. He is worth $32.9 billion, according to the Bloomberg Billionaire’s Index, making him the wealthiest man in Pennsylvania.

Yass is the founder of Susquehanna International Group, or SIG, which is a Philadelphia-area company that Bloomberg says “makes markets in financial products and asset classes with a focus on derivatives. It also invests in private equity and venture capital.”

Forbes has reported that the most valuable holding of SIG is its investment in ByteDance, the Chinese parent company of TikTok.?

(Late last March Paul broke ranks with most of his fellow Republicans and blocked a bill in the Senate that would have swiftly banned TikTok for national security reasons. But Paul said those concerns do not justify what he said would be a violation of free speech. “I think we should beware of those who use fear to coax Americans to relinquish our liberties,” Paul said in a Reuters news report of the debate. Paul has said in news reports that his opposition to the TikTok ban has nothing to do with his backing from Yass. “My decisions are not based on any kind of donations. My decisions are based on the Constitution and the First Amendment,” he told The Courier-Journal in March.)?

Kentucky Lantern sent an email to SIG’s media office asking questions about Yass’ relationship with Paul. The SIG media office did not reply. Protect Freedom said in an email to the Lantern that Yass played no role in the PAC’s decision to get involved in the Kentucky governor’s race.?

Yass is a relative newcomer to the top ranks of political mega donors. The first seven-figure political donation he ever made to a federal political committee (registered with the FEC) was a $1 million contribution in June of 2015 to an earlier Paul super PAC called America’s Liberty PAC.

Yass and his wife Janine Yass have been passionate supporters of what they call school choice in Pennsylvania and on the national scene. Advocates for public schools warn that the “choice” movement would siphon public dollars away from public schools and into private hands through privatization.

In May of 2021 radio-station WHYY, the Philadelphia affiliate of National Public Radio, reported Yass was “single handedly” keeping school choice PACs in that state flush with “tens of millions of dollars” in contributions.

As for the School Freedom Fund, the opening paragraph of its website says this: “COVID school shutdowns have made parents and the public aware of countless abuses of power by education bureaucrats seeking self-preservation over student education. By repeatedly impeding our children’s learning these individuals have hindered the development and education of our youth through school closures, mask mandates, critical race theory, and more. This creates a unique opportunity to promote School Choice as the structural solution to dramatically improve education in America.”

Yass is one of the largest political donors in the country, and Protect Freedom PAC and School Freedom are just two of the network of super PACs he supports.

The largest share of his donations at the federal level go to the super PAC Club for Growth Action, a group that advocates for lower taxes that gets most of its contributions from two people — Yass and fellow mega donor Richard Uihlein, of Illinois.

Yass has given $61 million to Club for Growth Action since 2015, including $10 million in June on the day before he gave $3 million to Protect Freedom, according to the website Political MoneyLine.

Is Protect Freedom affiliated with Paul?

Both Biundo and Paul spokeswoman Kelsey Cooper said in emails that Paul is not involved in directing Protect Freedom.

“Dr. Paul has no role in Protect Freedom PAC. It exists to help other candidates, not him,” Cooper said.

Biundo said, that Protect Freedom “supports people who fight for liberty like Rand Paul, but is not affiliated with him or directed by him.”

Yet, the Protect Freedom PAC website prominently displays a photo of just one elected official – Rand Paul. And it described itself as “a Rand Paul affiliated super PAC” in many of its own press releases. In one press release from 2020 Protect Freedom PAC says it is “an organization set up to support current and future allies of U.S. Sen. Rand Paul.”

And its chief strategists and consultants – including Biundo – are veterans of past Paul campaigns.

Yass has been — by far —? the major donor to committees linked to Paul since June of 2015 when he gave $2,250,000 to super PACs supporting Paul’s ill-fated presidential campaign.

Starting with those contributions and continuing through the June $3 million donation to Protect Freedom, Yass has contributed $26,979,200 to Rand Paul political committees, according to Kentucky Lantern’s analysis of records posted on the FEC website.

Protect Freedom has used the money to run independent advertising campaigns to elect conservative candidates across the country since 2018.

Of the nine races where it spent the most money in 2022, Protect Freedom-backed candidates won only three, according to FEC records.

Its winners were Harriet Hageman, who beat Liz Cheney in the Republican primary for U.S. House in Wyoming, and U.S. Senate candidates Mike Lee, of Utah, and Ron Johnson, of Wisconsin.

Candidates backed strongly by Protect Freedom who lost last year were: Blake Masters, a Senate candidate from Arizona; Jeremy Munson, a House candidate in Minnesota; Nathan Dahm, a Senate candidate in Oklahoma; Sarah Palin, a House candidate in Alaska; Ronald Hood, a House candidate in Ohio; and Anthony Sabatini, a House candidate in Florida.)

Jeff Yass contributions to Rand Paul political committees

June 8, 2023? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $3,000,000??????????????????????????

Sept. 23, 2022? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,500,000

May 11, 2022? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $100,000*

May 9, 2022? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $100,000*???????

April 28, 2022 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500,000*

April 19, 2022 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,000,000??????????????????????????

March 23, 2021 ? ? ? ? ? ? ?Kentucky Freedom ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$5,000,000

Nov. 10, 2020 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,500,000??

September 1, 2020 ? ? ? ?Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000,000

July 29, 2020 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500,000

July 15, 2020 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000,000

June 15, 2020 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500,000

March 30, 2020 ? ? ? ? ? ? RAND PAC ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$10,000**

March 30, 2020 ? ? ? ? ? ? Rand Paul for Senate? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $ 11,200**

Feb. 24 2020 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000,000

Dec. 30, 2019 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? RAND PAC ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$10,000**

June 14, 2019 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,098,000

Dec. 30, 2018 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? RAND PAC ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$10,000**

Oct. 22, 2018? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $400,000

Oct. 4, 2018 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $400,000

June 1, 2018? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? America’s Liberty ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?$150,000

April 13, 2018 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? America’s Liberty ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $10,000

Oct. 26, 2017? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Protect Freedom? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000,000

Oct. 19, 2017? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? America’s Liberty ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $100,000

June 29, 2017 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?America’s Liberty ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $80,000

May 24, 2017? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?America’s Liberty ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $50,000

Feb. 21, 2017? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? America’s Liberty ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $50,000

Sept. 30, 2016? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?America’s Liberty ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $100,000

Dec. 10, 2015 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? America’s Liberty ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $250,000

Nov. 23, 2015 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? America’s Liberty ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $100,000

Oct. 30, 2015? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? America’s Liberty ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $100,000

Oct. 8, 2015 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?America’s Liberty ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $100,000??????????

June, 25, 2015? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Purple PAC? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000,000??????????

June 22, 2015 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Concerned American Voters ? ? ?$250,000

June 19, 2015 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? America’s Liberty ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000,000??????????

TOTAL ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $26,979,200

*These contributions were made by School Freedom, a super PAC nearly totally funded by Jeff Yass.

**Half of these contributions were made by Yass, and half by Yass’ wife Janine Yass.

Ron Johnson is a U.S. senator from Wisconsin. An earlier version of this story put him in the wrong state.

Randall Weddle, then a candidate for London mayor, listens as Gov. Andy Beshear helps celebrate the opening of WB Transport's new warehouse in April 2022. (Screenshot with permission of WYMT)

FRANKFORT – As the Kentucky Democratic Party and Gov. Andy Beshear’s campaign were refunding the excess campaign contributions of London Mayor Randall Weddle last spring, Mayor Weddle and his wife found a different avenue for making additional donations to boost Beshear’s reelection chances.

Weddle, a Republican, and his wife Victoria contributed $75,000 to the Democratic Governors Association, the Washington-based group that is funding an independent advertising campaign promoting Beshear and attacking his Republican opponent in the November election, Attorney General Daniel Cameron.

A semi-annual disclosure report filed Monday by the Democratic Governors Association with the Internal Revenue Service lists Randall Weddle as giving $25,000 and Victoria Weddle as giving $50,000 on May 10.

The association is dedicated to electing Democrats as governor in all states and has a national donor base. This year only three states have elections for governor. And the new report filed by the DGA has a large number of Kentucky donors because Kentucky’s race for governor is considered to be the most competitive of the three.

The disclosure report filed by the DGA itemizes more than $24.5 million in contributions during the first six months of this year.

In April the Kentucky Lantern reported that the largest group of reported donors to the Kentucky Democratic Party and the Beshear campaign between late 2021 and the end of 2022 was composed of Weddle’s family members, employees and close business associates. Together, they gave well over $300,000 to Beshear and the party. None of these donors had ever before made a large political contribution.

Initially, the party and Beshear campaign defended the donations. But in June the Beshear campaign and party announced it was refunding $202,000 in donations because it was all given on a credit card belonging to Randall and Victoria Weddle.

Eric Hyers, manager of the Beshear campaign, said Weddle told the campaign about the excess donations being donated on his credit card, and the campaign immediately reported this to the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance, which advised that the donations be refunded to Weddle’s credit card. This occurred in late April and early May, before the May 10 date of the Weddles’ $75,000 in contributions to the Democratic Governor’s Association.

State and federal laws limit how much any person can contribute to a candidate’s campaign committee or to a state political party. (The limit is $2,100 per election to a candidate committee and $15,000 per year to a state political party.)

Cameron’s attorney general’s office, however, is blocked from investigating the contributions of the Weddle group by an opinion of the Executive Branch Ethics Commission which says that a sitting attorney general can not investigate the campaign of a candidate who he or she happens to be running against.?

Instead, Cameron’s office has asked the FBI to investigate the circumstances surrounding the Weddle contributions.

The Democratic Governors Association is allowed to take contributions of unlimited amounts. And through June 30 this year it has given more than $3 million to fund a Super PAC — Defending Bluegrass Values — that began a broad television campaign attacking Cameron soon after the May primary elections.

Super PACs are also allowed to accept contributions of unlimited amounts, but they are not permitted to coordinate their advocacy campaigns with the candidates they support.

Here is a list of the other major Kentucky donors to the DGA between Jan. 1 and June 30:

Douglas Asher II, Harlan, owner of Asher Law, $15,000

Douglas E. Asher Sr., Wallins Creek, $15,000

ATS Construction, Lexington, $16,000

Bizzack, Lexington, $18,500

Todd Case, Louisa, Todd Case Trucking, $15,000

Churchill Downs, Louisville, $25,000

Jack Dulworth, Louisville, Dulworth Group, $15,000

Janet Edmiston, Murray, retired, $25,000

Frost Brown Todd PAC, Florence, $7,100

Glasgow-Barren County Industrial Development, $12,500

HealthTech Solutions, Frankfort, $15,000

Houchens PAC, Louisville, $10,000

Humana Inc., Louisville, $100,000

Jim Gray, Lexington, state government official, $15,000

JYB3 Group, Frankfort, $12,500

R.M. Johnson Holding Co., Lexington, $5,000

Lexington Trots Breeders Assn., Lexington, $100,000

Lexington Quarry Co., Nicholasville, $15,000

Limestone Farms LLC, Georgetown, $5,000

London Valu-Rite Pharmacy, Louisa, $50,000

MBM Management LLC, Ashland, $15,000

Archie Marr, Corbin, CPA, $10,000

Gregory May, Pikeville, Utility Management Group COO, $10,000

John McConnell, Murray, McConnell Insurance, $15,000

Elizabeth McCoy, Hopkinsville, CEO of Planters Bank, $9,000

Hal McCoy, Hopkinsville, MED Properties, $9,000

John Moore, CEO of Atria Management Company, $25,000

McKinnley Morgan, London, attorney, $7,000

Pilgrim Energy, Pikeville, $15,000

ResCare Inc., Louisville, $125,000

Sazerac Company, Louisville, $25,000

Sir Barton Place, LLC, Lexington, $16,000

Sword Performance, Lexington, $5,000

The Allen Company, Lexington, $15,000

Principles, LLC, Mount Sterling, $25,000

Vitality Dx, LLC, Louisville, $10,000

Douglas L. Wilburn, Lexington, $25,000

The sign outside the Frankfort headquarters of the Republican Party of Kentucky. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Tom Loftus)

FRANKFORT, KY – The $2.65 million donated by some of the nation’s largest corporations to renovate the Republican Party of Kentucky headquarters — the “Mitch McConnell Building” — was raised by the longtime chief fundraising consultant of Sen. Mitch McConnell himself.

Recent reports filed by the Republican Party of Kentucky (RPK) Building Fund with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance show that fund has paid $45,000 for fundraising consulting this year to Haney Consulting, a firm owned and operated by Laura Haney.

The fund’s disclosure reports show the fundraising fees paid to Haney were practically the only spending the fund did in the past year — 96 percent of total spending of $47,068 that also included small payments for a security service, outdoor lighting repairs and a bank fee.

The role played by McConnell’s fundraiser may help explain why all of the fund’s donors are from outside Kentucky and have more significant lobbying interests in Washington than Frankfort.

The most recent report filed by the building fund this month lists one new donor: Telecommunications giant Verizon gave $300,000 June. Here’s the complete list of donors to the fund since late 2022:

‘Potential conflict of interest’

“That’s a large sum to have been raised so quickly from so few donors, all from out of state. Any one of those factors is surprising,” said Sheila Krumholz, executive director of OpenSecrets, a nonpartisan research organization that tracks money in U.S. politics.

?“The fact that this is for a building project honoring the U.S. Senate Republican leader and funded by companies that could benefit greatly from his support seems a highly plausible motivating factor and, obviously, a potential conflict of interest,” Krumholz said.

Haney is a native of Pulaski County. Federal Election Commission records indicate her company Haney Consulting operates out of Arlington, Virginia, and Louisville. Haney referred questions about her work for the building fund to RPK spokesman Sean Southard.

Kentucky Lantern sent 15 questions to Southard about the building fund project and how the money was raised. But Southard’s emailed response ignored questions about how the money was raised and whether McConnell himself played any role.

“We are following the law and reporting contributions and expenditures as required,” Southard’s response said in part.

As for Haney and her long fundraising history with McConnell, Southard’s response said only that “Laura Haney has done fundraising for Kentucky Republicans for years. She’s fundraised for us, as well as Senators McConnell and Paul.”

Haney has worked for other Republicans. Currently, just as McConnell Chief of Staff Terry Carmack recently assumed a senior role in Republican Attorney General Daniel Cameron’s campaign for governor, Haney is now raising money for Cameron.

The fundraiser

But campaign finance records and what little has been written about the low-profile Haney leave little doubt that — for years — Haney is chiefly a McConnell fundraiser.

Politico reported after McConnell’s 2014 reelection that Haney had served as McConnell’s “chief fundraiser since 2008.” Politico called her “the brains behind Team Mitch’s fundraising operation” who “knows the world of McConnell’s major donors.”

In the acknowledgements section of his 2016 memoir, “The Long Game,” McConnell thanked Haney with this sentence: “Laura Haney, my finance director, has trekked with me from Pikeville to Paducah, and around the country, to make sure I had adequate funding to run my campaigns.”

Federal Election Commission records show that Haney has been paid steady monthly fees for fundraising consulting by McConnell political committees dating back to 2009, whether it is an election year for McConnell or not.

Currently, and dating back to 2021, McConnell’s reelection committee and McConnell’s political action committee each pay Haney $10,000 per month, FEC records show. She also is paid $7,000 a month dating back several years by the National Republican Senatorial Committee, the group devoted to accomplishing McConnell’s perpetual priority of electing more Republicans to the U.S. Senate.

That adds up to a base income of $324,000 a year from the McConnell committees and the NRSC.

An analysis by the Kentucky Lantern of data on the FEC and Kentucky Registry of Election Finance websites shows that since the start of 2019 Laura Haney (or Haney Consulting, a firm she formed in 2017) have been paid $2,169,800 by federal and state political committees. (Some of that amount — about $130,000 — was for reimbursement of expenses.)

Of that total, about 84% was paid by McConnell committees or committees like NRSC devoted to electing Republicans to the Senate. About 12% of the total was paid by committees affiliated with U.S. Sen. Rand Paul, and 4% was paid by other political committees.

The donors

In January a report filed by the RPK building fund with the election registry disclosed the initial donors to the project — including the $1 million from Pfizer, the multinational pharmaceutical and biotech company based in New York. This contribution is apparently the largest contribution ever to a Kentucky political party.

Pfizer’s media relations office did not respond to the Lantern’s emailed questions sent in January and again earlier this month.

The big corporation checks were made possible by a 2017 law passed by the Kentucky General Assembly that for the first time allowed corporations to make contributions of unlimited amounts to a building fund of a state political party.

Eight of the nine corporation donors retain lobbyists in Washington, and seven retain lobbyists in Frankfort.

Metropolitan Life Insurance is the one company that lobbies in Washington, but not Frankfort.

Six of the nine donors are among the highest spending lobbying groups in Washington. Pfizer, Comcast, Altria, AT&T, Verizon and Microsoft, all ranked in the top 35 of lobbying spending (of 9,073 groups that lobby) in Washington in 2022, according to the OpenSecrets website.

Only two of the donors — Altria and AT&T — ranked among the top lobbying spenders in Frankfort in 2022.

Krumholz said the corporation donors to the building fund “are among the biggest, most powerful and politically connected corporations in America. NWO Resources stands out as the only one that is not a ‘household name.’’”

NWO Resources is an obscure holding company that owns a natural gas distribution utility in Ohio.

According to some online business information services (Crunchbase and Zippia), James Neal Blue is president and director of NWO Resources. Blue is better known as the chairman and CEO of General Atomics, a national defense contractor with a significant lobbying presence in Washington, and a major political donor, primarily to Republicans.

NWO Resources gave $250,000 last September to the Senate Leadership Fund, a huge super PAC that supports Republican candidates for U.S. Senate and is run by former McConnell staffers. Also, Blue contributed $335,000 to Senate Leadership Fund between 2018 and 2020 and has been a donor to McConnell’s reelection committee, McConnell’s PAC and the National Republican Senatorial Committee.

No one returned phone messages left last week at the offices of NWO Resources in Colorado.

The project

Southard shed little light on the status of the headquarters renovation. He did not say if a fundraising goal has been set for the project or when work might begin.

“We began this effort a few years ago. In January of 2022, we purchased the lot next door as we embarked on an expansion project to support our organization,” Southard said. “We are taking on this renovation and expansion as we need additional space. We have a lot more staff than we used to and many more Republicans we need to support. We are working on designs. We expect it will be a multi-million-dollar project.”

The $2.65 million raised through June 30 would seem to be a good start in funding a major renovation and expansion of the current headquarters. Records of the Franklin County Property Valuation Administrator list the taxable value of the current headquarters and an adjoining vacant lot owned by the party at a combined $635,000.

Building funds cannot be used by political parties for advocacy or advertising, but only for expenses associated with building or maintaining a party headquarters. John Steffen, the election registry’s executive director, said a building fund is allowed to pay for fundraising consulting to raise money for itself.

Randall Weddle, then a candidate for London mayor, listens as Gov. Andy Beshear helps celebrate the opening of WB Transport's new warehouse in April 2022. (Screenshot with permission of WYMT)

Editor’s note: This story was updated Thursday afternoon with more information.

FRANKFORT – The office of Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron has asked the FBI to investigate circumstances surrounding controversial political contributions made to the reelection campaign of Gov. Andy Beshear and the Kentucky Democratic Party last December.

On Tuesday, Beshear’s campaign manager?announced that the campaign?and Democratic Party had refunded $202,000 in contributions that the Beshear campaign had determined were in excess of legal limits as to how much a donor can give.

The Beshear campaign and the Democratic Party originally accepted the donations as legal ones within contribution limits made by numerous people who are relatives of London Mayor Randall Weddle or employees of a company co-founded by Weddle.

But the campaign later discovered that the $202,000 actually was all charged to a credit card belonging to Weddle and his wife, Victoria, and decided to refund those donations.

Intentionally making a political contribution in excess of the limits is a crime. State law limits the amount anyone can give to a campaign for governor to $2,100 per election. The limit on how much anyone can give to a state political party is $15,000 per year.

In response to questions about whether it would investigate the matter, Cameron’s office said late Tuesday only that it was considering its options.

On Thursday, however, Cameron’s office sent a letter to the FBI asking that it conduct an investigation.

That letter, written by Deputy Attorney General Victor Maddox, said: “Please accept this letter as a formal request by the Kentucky Office of the Attorney General for the FBI to investigate the circumstances surrounding contributions in the amount of some $202,000 to the gubernatorial campaign of Andy Beshear. These contributions have been the subject of widespread coverage in statewide news outlets. The contributions were ostensibly made by numerous members of the family of London, Kentucky Mayor Randall Weddle and employees of a company he co-founded, but apparently were charged by Mayor Weddle to his personal credit card.”

Maddox stated in the letter that Cameron’s attorney general’s office could not conduct the investigation. The office, he wrote “is barred at present from investigating this matter due to controlling ethics opinions.”

Maddox was apparently referring to an opinion of the Kentucky Executive Branch Ethics Commission a few years ago that effectively said that one executive branch official could not investigate another executive branch official if the two officials were facing each other in an election campaign.

Cameron is the Republican nominee for governor in November’s election running against the Democratic nominee, Beshear.

The request from the Attorney General’s Office was sent to the FBI’s Louisville Field Office. The Louisville FBI office did not immediately reply to an email from Kentucky Lantern asking if it would grant the request.

During his weekly press conference, reporters asked Beshear about the donations and the letter to the FBI. The governor said in all of his elections, he has “advised and required that my campaign follow the letter and spirit of every campaign finance law” and to address all situations with transparency and working with regulators.

“My understanding is that the campaign has met each of those requirements, worked directly with KREF (Kentucky Registry of Election Finance), explaining everything they knew about the situation, and worked to remedy it, again, directly with the regulator,” Beshear said. “That is an open transparent way of trying to do what’s right.”

Weddle did not return a phone message left Thursday at the London mayor’s office.

Questions about the large number of relatives of Weddle relatives and friends who made large contributions to the Beshear campaign and Democratic Party were?first reported by Kentucky Lantern?on April 17.

That report focused on at least $305,000 in donations to Beshear’s campaign and the Kentucky Democratic Party from family members and friends of Weddle.

The bundle of contributions was far larger than those given by traditional large donors to Beshear political causes such as Churchill Downs or the law firm Morgan & Morgan. Moreover, unlike other big donors, none of the Weddle donors had ever before made a big political contribution.

The so-called “bundling” of contributions from members of the same family or business is common – and it’s legal so long as the donor listed as making the contribution voluntarily contributed his or her own money.

Weddle, a Republican, told the Lantern earlier this year he was aware that many family members had donated to Beshear, but insisted he played no role in helping organize or raise those contributions.

Beshear’s campaign manager Eric Hyers declined to be interviewed for that Lantern report. He did respond by email to a list of questions. But his general response ignored questions about the Weddle contributions and other unusual contributions.

“With his steady leadership during difficult times as well as his work fostering a strong economy that is creating tens of thousands of jobs and attracting record private sector investments, we understand generally why many people want to support Governor Beshear,” Hyers said in his response.

After the Lantern published its report, Beshear and his campaign insisted there was no problem with its contributions.

“All of those have been voluntary,” Beshear said of the contributions. “And nothing has or ever will be promised for any type of donation.”

But on Tuesday, Hyers put out a stunning statement that said $190,000 in contributions to the Kentucky Democratic Party and $12,000 in contributions to the Beshear campaign had been refunded because that money had been donated by Randall Weddle’s credit card. Hyers said it was Randall Weddle himself who came forward to tell the campaign that the contributions were made on his credit card. Hyers said the campaign immediately reported the matter to KREF which advised making the refunds.

Since then, some Republicans have linked the Weddle contributions to a $1.4 million grant that the City of London received earlier this year from the Beshear administration to help repair sidewalks in downtown London. But a statement from the Transportation Cabinet last month said there is no such connection because the grant recipients are determined by the cabinet staff using specific criteria for that grant program.

McKenna Horsley contributed to this report.

Randall Weddle, then a candidate for London mayor, listens as Gov. Andy Beshear helps celebrate the opening of WB Transport's new warehouse in April 2022. (Screenshot with permission of WYMT)

Editor’s note: This story was updated Tuesday evening with additional responses.

The Andy Beshear for Governor campaign and Kentucky Democratic Party have refunded $202,000 in what they determined to be excess political contributions – money originally reported by the campaign and party as donations from numerous members of the family of London Mayor Randall Weddle and employees of a company Weddle co-founded.

Eric Hyers, manager of Beshear’s campaign, said Tuesday that the campaign recently determined all of that money was donated on a credit card of Randall Weddle and his wife, Victoria.

“Under Kentucky campaign finance statutes, an individual may donate up to $2,100 to the campaign and up to $15,000 to the Kentucky Democratic Party,” Hyers said in an email to Kentucky Lantern. “Donations above those limits from one individual are deemed to be contributions in excess of fundraising limits and must be refunded, which the campaign promptly did.”

Specifically, $12,000 in contributions to the Beshear campaign and $190,000 in contributions to the Kentucky Democratic Party have been refunded, Hyers said.

The contributions that have been refunded were first identified as being unusual in an April 17 report by the Lantern.

That report noted that members of Weddle’s family and employees of WB Transport, a company co-founded by Weddle, comprised the biggest bundle of contributors to the Kentucky Democratic Party and the Beshear campaign since Beshear became governor in 2019: combining to give at least $305,000.

The Lantern noted that Weddle is a registered Republican and that none of the 19 listed donors who are members of his family or employees of WB Transport had ever before made a big political contribution.

Bundling of political contributions from persons related by family or by employment is legal as long as each contribution is voluntary and the contributor is not reimbursed for the donation. It is illegal for any? person to exceed the donation limits by making excess contributions in the names of other people.

Mayor Weddle himself was never listed by the party or Beshear campaign as a contributor, and he told the Lantern early this year he did not know how the huge contributions of his wife, friends, children, sisters, mother and other family members came about.

Weddle did not return phone calls made by the Lantern on Tuesday to his cell phone and the London Mayor’s Office.

Hyers said in an email response to the Lantern’s questions Tuesday that it was Randall Weddle himself who first “informed the campaign that contributions were made in excess of contribution limits on his and Mrs. Weddle’s credit card, and expressed a desire to remedy the situation.” Hyers did not say when Weddle did so.

Sean Southard, spokesman for the Republican Party of Kentucky released a statement about the refunds late Tuesday that said in part, “This is the latest example in a long pattern of Andy and his family getting caught with corrupt campaign contributions or selling off government to the highest bidder. Wouldn’t it be nice to have a governor who doesn’t have to constantly play catch up with ethics and state law?”

Past instances where news reports raised questions of possible illegal excess contributions by a wealthy contributor in the names of straw donors have been investigated successfully by the Kentucky attorneys general.

Kentucky’s current attorney general, Republican Daniel Cameron, happens to be Beshear’s opponent in the November election.

In response to a question posed to Cameron’s office, Shellie May, the interim communications director for the Attorney General’s Office, released this short statement: “The Office of the Attorney General will consider all appropriate options in connection with the contributions in question.”

Hyers said that the refunds would be listed in reports filed with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance and the Federal Election Commission this week.

A new report filed Monday with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance by the Beshear campaign lists $2,000 refunds each to the following members of the Weddle/WB group: Jennifer Weddle, of Corbin; Lisa Weddle, of Knoxville; Phyllis McAdams, of Corbin; Michael Hacker, of Gray; David Owens, of Keavy; and Alecia Owens, of Indianapolis.

In his email, Hyers said the Democratic Party reports – not yet posted on campaign finance websites – will show refunds of $15,000 each to: Alecia Owens, of Indianapolis; Lisa Weddle, of Knoxville; Jennifer Weddle, of Corbin; Caden McAdams, of Corbin; Chrystal McAdams, of Corbin; Ashley Gray, of London; Robert Gray, of London; David Owens, of Keavy; Michael Hacker, of Gray; Carmen Weddle, of Gray; Nicholas Weddle, of London; Alexis Weddle, of London. The report, Hyers said, will also show refunds of $5,000 by the party to: Phyllis McAdams, of Corbin; and Tracy Owens, of Corbin.

The Beshear campaign released a statement Tuesday saying, “In addition to taking immediate steps to refund donations that were made in excess of contribution limits, we have taken proactive steps to prevent this from happening again…We have implemented an additional step in our compliance process. Under this new procedure, a member of our compliance team will manually sort all online contributions on a periodic basis to find any credit card that has been used to donate an amount greater than the contribution limits. In addition, we have conducted this additional step retroactively, and are satisfied that this is the only instance in which a credit card has been used multiple times by multiple users to make contributions in excess of Kentucky contribution limits.”

The Lantern’s April 17 report listed about $100,000 more in contributions from Weddle family members and WB Transport employees than the Beshear campaign and Democratic Party has refunded. Moreover, that report also highlighted scores of additional large contributions from persons who, like WB Transport, operate in that sector of the economy called “reverse logistics.” Some of those donors had past business connections with Weddle. ?(Generally, reverse logistics refers to the process that takes the vast amount of products returned by buyers at retail stores or online outlets and moves the products for resale at some sort of discount outlet.)

But Hyers said In his email that the campaign has conducted a “thorough review” of all contributions to the campaign and party and found that no other contributions are excessive.

“Other than the contributions already refunded , we have not identified any additional contributions in excess of contribution limits that need to be refunded,” Hyers said.

Randall Weddle, mayor of London, Kentucky, speaking at Gov. Andy Beshear's press conference on May 18. (Screen grab from Gov. Andy Beshear's YouTube Channel)

FRANKFORT – London Mayor Randall Weddle, whose family and associates contributed more than $300,000 to the Kentucky Democratic Party and Gov. Andy Beshear’s re-election campaign, traveled to the State Capitol on Thursday to join Beshear in announcing a nearly $1.4 million grant to the City of London to pay for new sidewalks along Main Street in the city’s downtown.

The grant was one of five Transportation Alternative Program grants totaling $4.8 million announced by Beshear at his weekly press conference.

Beshear and Weddle were not asked about the massive bundle of political contributions during Thursday’s press conference.

The two officials said the grant pays for a needed improvement of pedestrian safety and convenience along a busy nine-block stretch of Main Street.

“This is tremendous for our community and we’re grateful for your administration,” said Weddle, who posed with Beshear for a photograph of the presentation of a giant ceremonial check.

Last month, Kentucky Lantern reported that Weddle’s family and employees of a company he co-founded have contributed at least $305,000 to the Kentucky Democratic Party and the Beshear re-election campaign since late 2021 – by far the largest bundle of contributions from any group of related donors to the Beshear political committees in that period.

Weddle, a registered Republican, himself did not contribute. But his wife gave $32,000, his son gave $17,000, his daughter $16,500, his mother $7,000, his mother-in-law $7,000, a sister $17,000, another sister $15,000. Other relatives also gave, as did many others associated with WB Transport, a freight-hauling company in London co-founded by Weddle.

None of the 19 donors in the Weddle/WB Transport group had ever before made a large political contribution, according to records of the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance and the Federal Election Commission.

Since the flow of contributions from the Weddle/WB Transport group began in late 2021, Beshear spoke at the ribbon-cutting ceremony for the opening of a 200,000-square-foot warehouse of WB Transport in April of 2022, and in June of 2022, Beshear appointed Weddle to the Kentucky Transportation Center Advisory Board. The Kentucky Transportation Center website says it is an organization housed on the University of Kentucky campus that conducts multidisciplinary transportation research and has a strong working relationship with the Kentucky Transportation Cabinet.

Weddle did not return a phone message left for him early Friday at the Mayor’s office.

Beshear has repeatedly said that contributions have no effect on his decisions as governor. Soon after Kentucky Lantern’s story was published last month he said, “We’ve had support from Democrats and Republicans, thousands and thousands and thousands of people across Kentucky and across the United States. But all of those have been voluntary, and nothing has or ever will be promised for any type of donation.”

On Friday the administration replied to Kentucky Lantern’s questions with data and a statement from the Transportation Cabinet about the Transportation Alternative Program (TAP) with the data showing that 36 such grants totaling about $24 million have been awarded since Beshear became governor.

But in response to a question about the grant following the contributions, Sean Southard, spokesman for the Republican Party of Kentucky released a statement that said, “There’s not a dime’s worth of difference between Andy Beshear and Joe Biden. It’s deeply concerning to see Andy Beshear engaging in the Biden-Beshear family tradition of influence peddling.”

The statement from the Transportation Cabinet said localities in Kentucky compete for these federally funded TAP grants and that recipients are chosen by the Transportation Cabinet staff. The staff makes its decisions, according to the cabinet, based on “factors like federal program eligibility, overall project cost, if funding will help complete an existing TAP project, and potential conflicts with planned state highway projects.”

The grants reimburse a local government for 80% of the cost of a local project that improves “non-motorized forms of transportation,” the cabinet said. The grants are commonly used for building sidewalks and bike trails.

Beshear said Thursday that the area getting new sidewalks in London includes London Elementary School, city hall, the county courthouse, a community center, three churches and many businesses.

Other grants announced by Beshear on Thursday: $2,318,400 to Scott County; $576,000 to Lexington-Fayette Urban County Government; $376,609 to City of Greensburg; and $170,554 to Boyle County.

The $305,000 in contributions from the 19 people with family and/or business ties to Weddle is just part of about $700,000 donated to the Kentucky Democratic Party and the Beshear campaign in the past 18 months from new Kentucky donors who — like those affiliated with WB Transport — work in the reverse logistics industry.

“Reverse logistics” is a term applied to the processes — repairing, shipping, warehousing, reselling, etc. — that follow merchandise after it has been returned by customers to the retailer. These processes have a goal of retaining as much value as possible for resale by wholesale, liquidation, or “pallet sales” stores.

Gubernatorial candidate Kelly Craft speaks during the Lincoln Day Dinner on Friday, April 14, 2023, at the National Corvette Museum in Bowling Green. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Austin Anthony)

Seven immediate takeaways from campaign finance reports filed by candidates for Kentucky governor:

1. Republican Kelly Craft is paying for her own campaign, and appears to be prepared to pay whatever it takes. So far she has loaned a stunning $7 million to her campaign. A trust of her husband Joe Craft has given $1.5 million to a super PAC that is promoting her election. That’s at least 82 percent of all the money raised through March 31 by the Craft campaign and the super PAC.

2. Republican Attorney General Daniel Cameron got a massive boost during the quarter when The Concord Fund, of Washington, gave $1.5 million to a super PAC that is supporting Cameron.? The Concord Fund is a conservative group formerly called Judicial Crisis Network that is headed by Carrie Severino, a former law clerk for Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, according to Wikipedia.

3. Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear continues to raise big money in small contributions. In the first quarter of this year his campaign raised $1.4 million, bringing his fundraising total to $6.6 million. And his campaign has $5.9 million of that still on hand. That’s according to a press release from the Beshear campaign. The campaign’s report listing all the details was due on Tuesday but was not yet posted on the website of the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance as of early Wednesday.

4. Republican Agriculture Commissioner Ryan Quarles has much more money on hand than either of his top Republican rivals Craft and Cameron. Quarles has been able to delay big spending so far, watching as Craft and Cameron spend their money attacking each other. As of March 31 Quarles had $903,000 on hand. Cameron had $593,000 and Craft $438,000 on hand as of that date.

5. The super PAC supporting Cameron got a $100,000 windfall from the “games of skill” machine manufacturer Paceomatic. ($50,000 from POM of Kentucky LLC, and $25,000 each from Paceomatic officials Michael Pace and Paul Goldean.)

6. The super PAC supporting Beshear reported contributions of $150,000 during the first three months of this year. All of that came from the Democratic Governors Association, which can be expected to give much, much more between now and the November election.

7. Officials and employees of Churchill Downs, who gave big to Beshear in December, placed a bet on Craft in February: Thirty employees, officials and directors of Churchill bundled a combined $46,000 to the Craft campaign.

Republican Party of Kentucky headquarters in Frankfort. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Tom Loftus)

FRANKFORT, KY – The Republican Party of Kentucky’s push to raise large corporate donations to pay for the renovation and expansion of its headquarters took in another $722,000 during the first quarter of 2023.

The largest donor was NWO Resources, of Greenwood Village, Colorado, which gave $500,000 on Feb. 6, according to a report filed last week by the Republican Party of Kentucky Building Fund with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance.

Other donors were: AT&T, of St. Louis, $100,000 and Microsoft Corporation, of Reno, $100,000. (The building fund also reported receiving a payment from an insurance company for what a party spokesman said was a $22,041 claim not a contribution.)

State and federal law sets limits on how much a person or political action committee can give — and? corporations are prohibited from giving — to most political committees. But part of a campaign finance bill passed by the General Assembly in 2017 allowed each party to establish a building fund that can accept contributions of unlimited amounts. It also allowed the building funds to accept contributions from corporations.

The election registry website says that money in a party’s building fund “may be used for expenditures related to the purchase, construction, maintenance, renovation, and repair of the state executive committee’s main headquarters facility.”

In late 2022, the GOP building fund raised a stunning $1.65 million in corporation donations, with $1 million of that coming from the drug maker Pfizer, Inc.

Sean Southard, the party’s spokesman, said in January that the money was being raised for renovation and expansion of the party’s Frankfort headquarters, which is named “The Mitch McConnell Building” in honor of Kentucky’s senior senator.

In response to the latest filing by the building fund, Southard released a statement Monday that said, “We are following both state and federal law and these funds can only be used for certain expenditures as prescribed by law. They cannot be used to do anything to elect or defeat candidates.”

Southard said he could not give details of the upcoming renovation because “we are still in the early stages of planning the expansion.”

NWO Resources did not immediately respond to a phone call and an email seeking comment on why it made the big contribution. A filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission describes NWO as “a closely held holding company that owns interests in a gas utility company.”

NWO Resources does not have any lobbying presence in Kentucky, according to websites of the executive and legislative branch ethics commissions.

FEC records show that last September NWO Resources gave $250,000 to Senate Leadership Fund, the super PAC that supports Republicans running for the U.S. Senate and run by close associates of McConnell. NWO also gave $200,000 last fall to Congressional Leadership Fund, a super PAC that supports Republicans running for the U.S. House.

The contributions of the first three months of this year boosted the cash balance of the GOP’s building fund to $2.4 million as of March 31. That could pay for a significant construction project for the GOP’s headquarters property in Frankfort which (including an adjacent vacant lot) is currently valued for tax purposes by the Franklin County property valuation administrator at $635,000.

The Kentucky Democratic Party’s building fund reported no large donations during the recent quarter, but reported having a balance of $351,000 as of March 31.

This story has been updated to show that $22,041 paid by The Cincinnati Insurance Company was to satisfy a claim of the Republican Party of Kentucky Building Fund and was not a donation, according to a party spokesman. The payment was listed as a contribution in the building fund’s report filed with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance. That filing was the basis for the Kentucky Lantern’s reporting.

Randall Weddle, then a candidate for London mayor, listens as Gov. Andy Beshear helps celebrate the opening of WB Transport's new warehouse in April 2022. (Screenshot with permission of WYMT)

FRANKFORT – The largest batch of contributions fueling the reelection ambition of Gov. Andy Beshear does not come from a personal injury law firm, a highway contractor or other traditional sources of money given to an incumbent Democratic governor of Kentucky.

It comes from newcomers to the world of political giving and from a traditionally Republican stronghold — donors associated with the freight-hauling company WB Transport of London and its co-founder Randall Weddle, the mayor of London.

Within the past 17 months the reelection campaign of Beshear and the Kentucky Democratic Party have received at least $305,500 from this group of donors, none of whom had ever before made a big political contribution.

Randall Weddle himself did not contribute. But his wife gave $32,000, his son gave $17,000, his daughter $16,500, his mother $7,000, his mother-in-law $7,000, a sister $17,000, another sister $15,000. Other relatives gave, as did others associated with WB Transport and Weddle.

Scroll through the PDF at right to view the contributions Kentucky Lantern puts in the WB Transport/Weddle group.

In addition, the WB Transport/Weddle group appears to be one of several groups of first-time Kentucky donors giving maximum contributions to Beshear and his party who are engaged in the reverse logistics/liquidation business which re-sells merchandise that has been returned by the original buyer.

The analysis of campaign finance reports filed by the Beshear campaign and the Kentucky Democratic Party shows that since Dec. 6, 2021 those two political committees have received:

• $149,000 from the family and a business associate of Paul Guastello Jr., a reverse logistics consultant from Kansas City, Missouri. (See list below.)
• $168,162 from 33 donors employed by liquidation and discount outlets across the country – donors from Hickory, North Carolina to Fontana, California. (See list below.)
• $68,000 from four members of the family that owns H & K Pallet Sales, of London. (See list below)

On Jan. 3, Beshear’s reelection campaign put out a news release boasting it had raised a record $5.2 million and stressing the importance of the fundraising success of the Kentucky Democratic Party.

Kentucky Lantern decided to take a closer look at who gave the money that provided the popular sitting governor with a massive fundraising lead over Republican rivals in this year’s race for governor.

Candidates and political parties are required by law to disclose the names of donors and the amounts they gave. These contributions can be found on the websites of the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance and the Federal Election Commission.

But the online listings are voluminous, the websites difficult to navigate.

Kentucky Lantern examined those contributions — names and occupations of donors, the amounts they gave and on what date — to identify groups of associated donors who have given the most.

The examination found big contributions from many groups that donated to past campaigns of Beshear and his father, former Gov. Steve Beshear: state employees, Beshear appointees to state boards and commissions, law firms, state contractors, and businesses closely regulated by the state like Churchill Downs and Kentucky Downs.

But the analysis found surprising groups of new donors – clusters of big givers with links to the reverse logistics trade from Kentucky, Kansas City, and coast to coast.

“Reverse logistics” is a term applied to the processes that follow many products after they have been returned by customers to the retailer. The process takes the product backward on the supply chain with the goal of retaining as much value as possible for resale at a discount by wholesale, liquidation, or “pallet sales” stores.

Randall Weddle, who won election as mayor of London last November in his first bid for public office, said he had no role in raising the money. He said he sold WB Transport and its related reverse logistics company about two years ago.

He said he is aware that his wife, other family members and some close friends are enthusiastic supporters of Beshear and donated. But he said he doesn’t even know some of the current WB Transport employees who were donors. And he said there is no reason to question the contributions.

“What is wrong with that – if you believe in the individual and you believe that they’re good for the state?” Weddle asked. “It happens in every race across this nation – that friends, families that get together, that give to the person they believe in with no special interest.”

Each contribution listed in reports is within legal limits of how much a person can give, though nearly all were at the limits: $15,000 per year to the party and $2,000 to Beshear’s primary election campaign.

Bundling political contributions is legal as long as the contribution is voluntary and the contributor is not reimbursed for the donation. It is illegal for a person to exceed the donation limits by making excess contributions in the names of other people.

Only two of the 19 donors in the WB/Weddle group had ever before made a political contribution, and those were very small, according to online records of the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance and Federal Election Commission.

Weddle warned against drawing false conclusions.

“Everybody you’ve named has money…” Weddle said of his family and associates who gave. “Everybody we know, who my wife talks to, they all support Beshear entirely.”

Given the dominance of the Republican Party in the General Assembly, he said it is important that Beshear be re-elected. “We need a balance of powers. We’ll have a superpower if Beshear don’t win,” Weddle said.

As to why he did not give, Weddle said, “I only gave to Trump. Basically, that’s the only guy that I’ve given to. … I’ve been an apolitical person.”

Weddle is registered as a Republican and in late 2020 and early 2021 he gave $25,120 to a pro-Donald Trump committee. But he has made smaller contributions to other Republicans: $2,000 to the campaign of Republican Jonathan Shell for agriculture commissioner last year, and in 2019 gave $2,800 to the re-election committee of U.S. Sen. Mitch McConnell and $500 to then-Gov. Matt Bevin’s reelection campaign.

Others among the group of WB Transport/Weddle donors who were contacted by phone shed little light on how the contributions all came about.

“I donated because I wanted to,” said Jennifer Weddle, declining further comment. Jennifer Weddle, identified in contribution reports as manager of The Depot on Main, Corbin, donated $15,000 to the Kentucky Democratic Party and $2,000 to the Beshear campaign in December.

Robert Gray, an official of WB Transport who has given $30,000 to the Kentucky Democratic Party and $2,000 to Beshear’s campaign in the past 18 months, hung up when asked about his contributions.

Jeremy Bryant, a Corbin attorney who has represented Weddle, said he and his wife contributed a combined $34,000 to help Beshear because “We like his policies, we like the way he handled COVID….I’m an attorney, he’s an attorney, and he’s always struck me as a reasonable individual.”

Beshear declined to be interviewed, said Eric Hyers, manager of Beshear’s re-election campaign. Hyers also declined an interview and did not address questions emailed to him about the WB Transport/Weddle contributions.

Hyers released a statement that said Beshear’s record as a popular and effective governor makes it “no surprise that a broad, bipartisan coalition is enthusiastically supporting his bid for a second term. Thousands of Kentuckians have contributed to his reelection.”

While Weddle said he sold WB Transport two years ago, he appears to have retained at least some unofficial connection with that business. Last April, he hosted the ribbon-cutting ceremony for the opening of a 200,000-square-foot warehouse of WB Transport.

Beshear traveled to London to also speak at the event.

And last June, Beshear appointed Weddle as a member of the Kentucky Transportation Center Advisory Board.

Weddle and Hyers each said there is no connection between the London visit or appointment and the Weddle family contributions.

“Gov. Beshear has never asked me, or my family, for nothing. And we’ve never asked him for nothing,” Weddle said.

Hyers said in his statement that Beshear “has made more than 2,000 board appointments, including Democrats, Republicans and Independents from all parts of the commonwealth. These appointments are always based on qualification…”

Guastello Group – $149,000

Another $149,000 in contributions to the Democratic Party and Beshear campaign came from Paul Guastello Jr., his family and a business associate and the business associate’s wife. They all live in the Kansas City, Missouri area.

Guastello said he has done business in Kentucky and praised the job Beshear is doing as governor. “Andy actually reminds me as the kind of guy that could go way beyond the governor of Kentucky,” he said.

He said he does not recall how he came to meet Beshear. And he declined to elaborate on his business activity in Kentucky or the contributions. “I don’t discuss politics,” he said.

He said he is not affiliated with WB Transport, but ended the phone interview when asked if he was ever affiliated with Randall Weddle.

Reports filed by the party and Beshear campaign list Guastello’s occupation as an “education consultant” for “St. Pius.”

But in recent reports documenting his contributions to two Missouri political committees he listed his employer as “Reverse Logistics.”? And his profile on the social media website LinkedIn lists his occupation as “Reverse Logistics Consultant.”

Records filed with the Kentucky secretary of state show that in late 2020 Randall Weddle was no longer listed as the member of WB Transport LLC. Instead, the new member of WB Transport was listed as “Reverse Logistics Management,” a Missouri limited liability company. Owners of an LLC are called members, according to the Internal Revenue Service.

The latest WB Transport annual report filed with the secretary of state is signed by a Kansas City, Missouri attorney who did not return phone messages from Kentucky Lantern.

Weddle said in the telephone interview that he has “heard of” Guastello but has never had any business with him and “I don’t really know him.”

Another contributor from the group, Charles Cuda of Gladstone, Missouri, said he wanted to check with Guastello before commenting on why he and his wife contributed $34,000 to the Kentucky Democratic Party and Beshear on New Year’s Eve in 2021. He asked Kentucky Lantern to send him an email. It did. Cuda did not reply.

Liquidators and discount stores – $168,162

Nearly three dozen additional donors from the world of liquidation and discount stores gave at least $168,162 to Beshear’s campaign and Democratic Party.

These donors are mostly from North Carolina, California, and Texas, but a few are from Kentucky. And one of them appears to have a link in Kentucky to a Weddle company.

Kentucky Lantern concluded they constitute a group because each is employed by some kind of discount outlet (“Liquidation Warehouse,” “Logistical Warehouse,” “Home Center Warehouse,” “Flaming Deals,” etc.), none had ever given a Kentucky contribution before, contributions were in maximum amounts and they were made on about the same dates.

These contributions came in three distinct waves: $22,000 from 11 donors in March of 2022; eight donors gave a combined $110,162 to the Kentucky Democratic Party in late August of 2022; 18 gave $36,000 to the Beshear campaign in late September of 2022.

Jonathan Manhan, of Canoga Park, California, is one of the donors listed as giving $2,000 to the Beshear campaign in the first wave. He is the owner of BCS Inc., a company that his LinkedIn profile says buys and sells surplus inventories.

Manhan signed corporate paperwork filed with the Kentucky secretary of state in late 2021 as the authorized agent of JRD London, LLC. Weddle is the organizer and member of JRD London, LLC, according to secretary of state records.

Manhan said in a brief phone interview that he has property in Kentucky and knows Weddle. He asked that questions be sent to him via email, but did not reply to an email.

Weddle said he has never been a business associate of Manhan. Weddle said Manhan may have said he knows of him because, “I’m big in the logistics world.”

Chad Faouri, of Logistical Warehouse in Newton, North Carolina, gave $2,000 to Beshear in the first wave, and $15,000 to the Kentucky Democratic Party in the second.

“We like the governor. I think he’s doing good. …” Faouri said in a phone interview. “We do have a business in Kentucky, we know a lot of people in Kentucky.”

When pressed about the contributions of many other North Carolinians on the same date, and who his contacts are in Kentucky, Faouri said he had to take another phone call and hung up.

Ahmad Dohast, a customer service worker at Home Center in Louisville, gave $2,000 to Beshear’s campaign in the third wave on Sept. 30, 2022.

“I honestly would not like to discuss that,” Dohast said when asked about the contribution. “I thought it was something pertaining to work. But thank you for calling.”

Samir Hamideh, of Lomita, California, who gave $2,000 to Beshear in the first wave and $5,162 to the party in the second, hung up when asked about the contributions.

H & K Pallet Sales, London – $68,000

Four members of the Woods family that owns H & K Pallet Sales in London who had never before made a political contribution each gave as much as the law allows to the Beshear campaign and Democratic Party on Dec. 6, 2021. (Each gave $2,000 to Beshear and $15,000 to the party.)

Kenneth Woods of H & K Pallet Sales, said he does not do business with any Weddle businesses and declined further comment. “What I do with my money is up to me,” Woods said.

This article has been updated to clarify some of Mayor Randall Weddle’s earlier political contributions.

Gov. Andy Beshear has tried to appeal to his own reputation for transparency to explain his apparent support for a bill that would reduce the public's access to records of official government business. (Photo by Arden Barnes)

This article has been updated with information from the most recent campaign finance reports filed last week.

?FRANKFORT, Ky. – Gov. Andy Beshear and the Kentucky Democratic Party held a big early fundraising lead over Republicans at the outset of this year when Beshear stands for reelection.

Beshear’s campaign manager Eric Hyers said that, because Beshear has been an effective leader who has brought tens of thousands of jobs and billions in investment to the state, “thousands of Kentuckians have contributed to his reelection.”

Thousands have contributed. But who are the people, and groups of people, who contributed the most to fill that brimming war chest?

The law requires names of donors, and amounts they gave, be disclosed to the Federal Election Commission or Kentucky Registry of Election Finance and posted on those websites for anyone to see.

But the websites provide limited transparency for anyone trying to find groups of donors that bundled batches of contributions, or find unusual patterns of donations. Listings of online donors are very long, and the websites of the FEC and KREF can be confusing to navigate.

In an effort to enhance transparency, Kentucky Lantern decided to make its best effort at analyzing those contributions. Specifically, the analysis looked at nearly 10,000 itemized contributions totaling about $5 million to the Beshear campaign from Oct. 1, 2021 through Dec. 31, 2022, and it reviewed about 5,700 contributions totaling nearly $10 million to the Kentucky Democratic Party between Nov. 5, 2019 and Feb. 28, 2023.

The process began by focusing on the largest individual donors to the Kentucky Democratic Party who also gave to the Beshear campaign. We looked at names, addresses, employers of donors, and the dates the contributions were made. We searched the internet for further information about the largest donors. Political MoneyLine and Open Secrets, two online databases of political contributions were invaluable to the research, as were the online corporate records of the Kentucky secretary of state.

Such an analysis may not necessarily produce a definitive list of the largest bundles of donors. That may not be possible without talking to thousands of donors. But contacting donors often does not shed much light. Messages left with officials of some large donating groups listed below (Swartz Enterprises, HealthTech Solutions, Morgan Collins Yeast & Salyer, Churchill Downs, Kentucky Downs) were not returned.

William May, of Hurt Deckard & May, declined to comment on the contributions he and his colleagues made.

Jonathan Rabinowitz, a partner with the Morgan and Morgan law firm, declined an interview, but released a statement that said, “Governor Beshear is a longtime friend of myself and many people in our office, with some having known him since high school. We’re incredibly proud to support him.”

(Yet, of the 54 lawyers with Morgan & Morgan who contributed, 34 of them live outside Kentucky.)

The analysis came to the surprising conclusion that the biggest group of contributions came from persons associated with WB Transport of London and its cofounder London Mayor Randall Weddle, though Weddle himself did not contribute.

But there were many other big bundles. The bundling of contributions is a common practice in big campaigns and is legal so long as the donor is voluntarily donating his or her own money.

Below are two listings. First is a list of the largest bundles of contributions from particular groups — officials and employees of a business, along with their immediate relatives and close associates.

Second is a list of individuals who reports show gave the most to the Kentucky Democratic Party and Beshear campaign over the period examined.

Groups

Groups:

Swartz family, Clark and Bath counties: $203,000

Owners of Swartz Enterprises and Swartz Construction, mowing contractors for Transportation Cabinet

Mark Swartz, Winchester, Swartz Enterprises????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-30-22

Mark Swartz, Winchester, Swartz Enterprises????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Mark Swartz, Winchester, Swartz Enterprises????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 9-29-21

Mark Swartz, Winchester, Swartz Enterprises????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 8-28-20

Colleen Swartz, Winchester, UK Medical Center???????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-30-22

Colleen Swartz, Winchester, UK Medical Center???????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Colleen Swartz, Winchester, UK Medical center????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 9-29-21

Colleen Swartz, Winchester, UK Medical Center???????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 8-28-20

Mike Swartz, Olympia, Swartz Construction????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-30-22

Mike Swartz, Olympia, Swartz Construction????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Mike Swartz, Olympia, Swartz Construction????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 9-29-21

Mike Swartz, Olympia, Swartz Construction????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 8-28-20

Carson Swartz, Winchester, nurse??????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Emery Swartz, Winchester, retired?????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Peggy Swartz, Olympia, Gateway Health Dept???????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Caitlin Sadler, Sharpsburg, teacher?????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Caitlin Sadler, Sharpsburg, Ky Beef Council??????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 9-29-21

James Sadler, Sharpsburg, Delta Gas customer rep??????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Kurt Wlihelmus, Nicholasville, student??????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Derek Fisher, Olympia, Swartz Construction, mechanic??? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Laveda Motley, Olympia, Swartz Construction???????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Laveda Motley, Olympia, homemaker???????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-30-22

Laveda Motley, Olympia, homemaker???????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 8-28-20

Richard Motley, Salt Lick, retired?????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Morgan, Collins, Yeast & Salyer, London???????????????????????????? $199,000

Law firm handles many personal injury and workers’ compensation cases

McKinnley Morgan, London???????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 6-30-22

McKinnley Morgan, London???????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-13-21

McKinnley Morgan, London???????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 4-30-21

McKinnley Morgan, London???????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $5,000 to KDP on 10-16-20

McKinnley Morgan, London???????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 7-27-20

Jennifer Collins, Manchester?????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-29-21

Jennifer Collins, Manchester?????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 12-28-22

Jennifer Collins, Manchester?????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $5,000 to KDP on 12-8-21

Jennifer Collins, Manchester?????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 8-27-21

Jennifer Collins, Manchester?????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 10-16-20

Dan Yeast, Nancy???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 12-28-22

Dan Yeast, Nancy???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-29-21

Dan Yeast, Nancy???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-21-21

Kyle Salyer, Staffordsville???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 12-28-22

Kyle Salyer, Staffordsville???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $5,000 to KDP on 9-20-22

Kyle Salyer, Staffordsville???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-29-21

Kyle Salyer, Staffordsville???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-21-21

Kyle Salyer, Staffordsville???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 10-29-20

Gerald Vanover Jr., London????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-29-21

Gerald Vanover Jr., London????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-21-21

Gerald Vanover Jr., London????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $5,000 to KDP on 10-16-20

Bruce Bentley, London????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $5,000 to KDP on 12-31-22

Bruce Bentley, London????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-29-21

Bruce Bentley, London????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $13,000 to KDP on 12-21-21

Kelly Bentley, London, homemaker????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-29-21

Wanda Morgan, London, retired?????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 3-22-22

Kentucky Downs, Simpson County?????????????????????????????????????? $195,500

Historical horse racing venue and horse race track

Ron Winchell, Las Vegas, Winchell Thoroughbreds??????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 3-28-22

Ron Winchell, Las Vegas, ECL Entertainment??????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 7-21-20

Ron Winchell, Las Vegas, ECL Entertainment??????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 11-20-19

Kristen Winchell, Las Vegas, ECL??????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-27-22

Kristen Winchell, Las Vegas, ?????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 10-29-20

Joan Winchell, Las Vegas,???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-19-22

Joan Winchell, Las Vegas, investor??????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 4-23-21

Marc Falcone, Las Vegas, ECL????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 3-29-22

Marc Falcone, Franklin, KY, business owner????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 8-11-20

Marc Falcone, Franklin, KY, business owner????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 11-20-19

Allan Creek, Las Vegas, Fenske Media???????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 3-30-22

Allan Creel, Las Vegas, ACHC LLC??????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 7-27-20

Allan Creel, Las Vegas, ACHC LLC??????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 11-20-19

Kristine Creel, Las Vegas, retired?????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 3-30-22

Kristine Creel, Las Vegas ?????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 11-20-19

Jennifer Schacht, Las Vegas, Light Group??????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-29-22

Jennifer Schacht, Las Vegas???????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 4-5-21

Jennifer Schacht, Las Vegas,??????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 10-31-20

Gilbert Macagno, Las Vegas, Carlton Group????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 4-23-21

Robert Browning, Las Vegas, ECL Development????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 3-29-22

David Fiske, Lexington, Winchell Thoroughbreds??????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 10-1-21

Hurt Deckard & May, Lexington?????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $183,000

Law firm and lobbying firm

William C. Hurt Jr., Lexington, ??????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 9-20-22

William C. Hurt Jr., Lexington????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 11-29-21

William C. Hurt Jr., Lexington????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 9-30-21

William C. Hurt Jr., Lexington????????????????????????????????????? $5,000 to KDP on 9-10-20

Susan Hurt, Lexington??????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 11-29-21

Susan Hurt, Lexington??????????????????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 9-20-22

Mandy Deckard, Lexington nurse????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 9-20-22

Mandy Deckard, Lexington????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 11-29-21

Mandy Deckard, Lexington????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 9-29-21

William H. May III, Lexington?????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 9-20-22

William H. May III, Lexington?????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 9-29-21

William H. May III, Lexington?????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 11-29-21

William H. May III, Lexington?????????????????????????????????????? $5,000 to KDP on 9-10-20

William H. May III, Lexington?????????????????????????????????????? $2,500 to KDP on 2-27-20

Denise May, Frankfort????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 11-29-21

Denise May, Frankfort????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 9-29-21

Matthew Malone, Lexington?????????????????????????????????????? $5,000 to KDP on 9-20-22

Matthew Malone, Lexington?????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-17-21

Matthew Malone, Lexington?????????????????????????????????????? $2,500 to KDP on 9-29-21

Matthew Malone, Lexington?????????????????????????????????????? $5,000 to KDP on 9-10-20

Emily Malone, Lexington????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-17-21

Aaron Reedy????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $5,000 to KDP on 9-20-22

Aaron Reedy????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,500 to KDP on 9-29-21

Michael Kalinyak, Paris?????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 11-29-21

Sannie Overly, Paris???????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 9-20-22

Sannie Overly, Paris???????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 1-27-22

Sannie Overly, Paris???????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $7,500 to KDP on 9-29-21

HealthTech Solutions, Frankfort?????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $159,250

Health information technology firm co-founded by former Cabinet for Health and Family Services official Frank Lassiter

Franklin Lassiter, Midway???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-15-22

Franklin Lassiter, Midway???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Franklin Lassiter, Midway???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 11-2-21

Franklin Lassiter, Midway???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 10-28-20

Mary Lassiter, Midway?????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-15-22

Mary Lassiter, Midway?????????????????????????????????? ??????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Mary Lassiter, Midway?????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 11-2-21

Mary Lassiter, Midway?????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 10-28-20

Mary E. Niehaus, Falcon Heights, MN????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-28-22

Mary E. Niehaus, Falcon Heights, MN????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Mary E. Niehaus, Falcon Heights, MN????????????????????????????????????? $10,000 to KDP on 12-21-21

Thomas Niehaus, Falcon Heights, MN????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Ben Lassiter, Lexington????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-21-21

George B. Lassiter, Lexington????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 12-15-22

George B. Lassiter, Lexington????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22

Sandeep Kapoor,???????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-30-22

Gargi Kapoor,??????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-30-22

Bettina Rice, Lexington????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $250 to KDP on 10-8-21

Morgan & Morgan, Orlando Florida???????????????????????????????????? $156,050

National personal injury law firm that has big presence in Kentucky

Jonathan Rabinowitz, Versailles???????????????????????????????? $100 to Beshear campaign on 1-16-23

Jonathan Rabinowitz, Versailles???????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 1-16-23

Jonathan Rabinowitz, Versailles???????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 7-18-20

Jonathan Rabinowitz, Versailles???????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 2-10-22

Kathleen Rabinowitz, Versailles???????????????????????????????? $100 to Beshear campaign on 1-16-23

Kathleen Rabinowitz, Versailles ?????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 2-10-22

Michael Morgan, Orlando, FL????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 8-18-22

Michael Morgan, Orlando, FL????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Michael Morgan, Orlando, FL????????????????????????????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 7-18-20

Reuven Moskowitz, Lawrence, New York?????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 9-14-22

Reuven Moskowitz. Lawrence, New York?????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-14-22

Reuven Moskowitz, Lawrence, New York?????????????? $15,000 to KDP on 8-28-20

Jason Miller, Jacksonville, FL??????????????????????????????????????? $5,000 to KDP on 8-26-22

Jason Miller, Jacksonville, FL??????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 8-26-22

Tanner Shultz, Lexington????????????????????????????????????????????? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-29-22

Tanner Shultz, Lexington????????????????????????????????????????????? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Greg Stumbo, Prestonsburg??????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-20-22

Kelli Lester, Bowling Green????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-29-22

Zachary Chesser, Lexington???????????????????????????????????????? $200 to Beshear campaign on 9-29-22

Brenton Stanley, Louisville?????????????????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 9-29-22

Kaleigh Yurkew, Louisville???????????????????????????????????????????? $150 to Beshear campaign on 9-29-22

Joseph Rugg, Lexington???????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-29-22

Alan Borowsky, Bala Cynwyd, PA?????????????????????????????? $150 to Beshear campaign on 9-29-22

Scott Wallitsch, Louisville????????????????????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 9-29-22

Danielle Blandford, Louisville????????????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 9-29-22

Dion Moorman, Owensboro?????????????????????????????????????? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-28-22

Thomas Chumbley, Louisville????????????????????????????????????? $200 to Beshear campaign on 9-28-22

David Dufour, Louisville???????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-27-22

Lauren Marley, Bowling Green?????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-27-22

Sara Cowles, Bowling Green??????????????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 9-27-22

Austin Raboin, Belleville, IL?????????????????????????????????????????? $200 to Beshear campaign on 9-26-22

Michael Goetz, Tampa, FL???????????????????????????????????????????? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-23-22

Alexander Wolff, St. Louis, MO?????????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 9-22-22

John Spies, Louisville?????????????????????????????????????????????????????? $250 to Beshear campaign on 8-19-22

Benjamin Adams, Charleston, WV???????????????????????????? $250 to Beshear campaign on 9-15-22

Carmen Clem, Orlando, FL??????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-15-22

Jonathan Sedgh, Great Neck, NY??????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 9-13-22

Jonathan Sedgh, Great Neck, NY??????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 8-23-22

Blake Nolan, Lexington????????????????????????????????????????????????? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-12-22

Greg Vescoco, Richmond Heights, MO??????????????????? $250 to Beshear campaign on 9-12-22

Robert Wilkins, Jackson, MS??????????????????????????????????????? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-12-22

Rene Rocha, New Orleans, LA???????????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 9-12-22

Clancy Boylan, Philadelphia, PA????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-12-22

Bryce Spano, Tampa, FL???????????????????????????????????????????????? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-12-22

Luke Mitcheson, Waltham, MA????????????????????????????????? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-12-22

James Moon, Naples, FL??????????????????????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 9-12-22

Garrett Lee, Boston, MA?????????????????????????????????????????????? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-8-22

Scott Whitley, Tampa, FL?????????????????????????????????????????????? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-1-22

William Lewis, West Palm Beach, FL???????????????????????? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 8-24-22

Blake Lange, Naples, FL????????????????????????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 8-22-22

Ben Wilson, Madison, MS???????????????????????????????????????????? $1,500 to Beshear campaign on 8-19-22

David Noble, Lexington???????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Jacob Sternberger, Philadelphia, PA???????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Tyler Kobylinski, Orlando, FL??????????????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Matt Morgan, Winter Park, FL???????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

James Young, Jacksonville, FL????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Christopher Mossallati, Fort Myers, FL??????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Adam Brum, Tampa, FL????????????????????????????????????????????????? $200 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Daniel Morgan, Winter Park, FL????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-12-22

Josh Autry, Lexington???????????????????????????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Mark Troy, Charleston, WV????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Sumeet Kaul, Tampa, FL???????????????????????????????????????????????? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Ryan Rudd, Orlando, FL????????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Richard Bates, Orlando, FL??????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Shea Conley, Lexington???????????????????????????????????????????????? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 8-18-22

Crosby Crane, Tampa, FL?????????????????????????????????????????????? $500 to Beshear campaign on 9-21-22

Churchill Downs, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $148,000

Race track that also operates historical horse racing venues

William Carstanjen, Prospect? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

William Carstanjen, Prospect? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $15,000 to KDP on 12-27-22

William Carstanjen, Prospect? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $15,000 to KDP on 11-10-21

William Carstanjen, Prospect? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $15,000 to KDP on 10-6-20

William Mudd, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

William Mudd, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $10,000 to KDP on 12-27-22

William Mudd, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $15,000 to KDP on 11-10-21

William Mudd, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $5,000 to KDP on 10-6-20

Brad Blackwell, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 1-13-23

Brad Blackwell, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $5,000 to KDP on 11-10-21

Brad Blackwell, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,500 to KDP on 10-6-20

Austin Miller, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $5,000 to KDP on 11-10-21

Austin Miller, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,500 to KDP on 10-12-20 92

Benjamin Murr, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

Benjamin Murr, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,500 to KDP on 11-20-21

Benjamin Murr, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,500 to KDP on 10-7-20

Marcia Dall, Prospect ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

Marcia Dall, Prospect ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $3,000 to KDP on 12-27-22

Marcia Dall, Prospect ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,500 to KDP on 10-6-20

Karole Lloyd, Atlanta, GA? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

Karole Lloyd, Atlanta, GA? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to KDP on 11-10-21

1. Rankin, Goshen ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22
2. Alex Rankin, Goshen? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $5,000 to KDP on 11-10-21

Daniel Harrington, Gates Mills, OH? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

Daniel Harrington, Gates Mills, OH? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to KDP on 11-10-21

Charles Kenyon, Shelbyville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,500 to KDP on 11-10-21

Charles Kenyon, Shelbyville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to KDP on 10-6-20

Paul Varga, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

Kevin Flanery, Simpsonville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,500 to KDP on 10-5-20

Betsy Janes, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

Betsy Janes, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to KDP on 11-10-21

Shawn Bailey, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to KDP on 10-6-20

Elizabeth Wester, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to KDP on 10-12-20

Mike Anderson, Floyds Knobs, IN? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 1-13-23

Michael Anderson, Greenville, IN? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to KDP on 11-10-21

Maureen Adams, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

Maureen Adams, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to KDP on 11-10-21

Michael Ziegler, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

Michael Ziegler, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500 to KDP on 11-10-21

Michael Ziegler, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500 to KDP on 10-16-20

Mary Catherine Armstrong, Prospect? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

Tonya Abeln, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500 to KDP on 11-10-21

Jason Sauer, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

Jason Sauer, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to KDP on 11-10-21

Robert Fealy, Chicago, IL ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 1-13-23

Robert Fealy, Chicago, IL ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to KDP on 11-10-21

Melissa Whitehead, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500 to Beshear campaign on 12-30-22

Melissa Whitehead, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $250 to KDP on 11-10-21

Justin Paul, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

Timothy Bryant, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 1-12-23

Timothy Bryant, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500 to KDP on 11-10-21

Nathaniel Simon, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500 to KDP on 11-10-21

Ryan Jordan, Louisville ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $1,000 to Beshear campaign on 1-13-23

Amy Patterson, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500 to Beshear campaign on 1-26-23

Matthew Fontaine, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $500 to Beshear campaign on 1-26-23

Erik Furlan, Louisville? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? $250 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22

?

Individuals:

Here is the list of the largest individual donors to the Kentucky Democratic Party (since Nov. 5, 2019) and Gov. Andy Beshear’s re-election campaign (since it began on Oct. 1, 2021.) This list has been updated to include contributions to the Kentucky Democratic Party in March and contributions to the Beshear campaign during the first quarter of 2023.

Brooke Barzun, Louisville, philanthropist – $62,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 3-13-23
• $15,000 to KDP on 9-27-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 11-10-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 11-4-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 9-25-20

Matthew Barzun, Louisville, self-employed, publisher – $62,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 3-13-23
• $15,000 to KDP on 9-27-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 11-10-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 11-4-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 9-25-20

Edward Britt Brockman, Louisville, ophthalmologist, John Kenyon Eye Center – $62,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 3-25-23
• $15,000 to KDP on 3-9-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 11-18-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 4-22-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 8-5-20

Christina Brown, Louisville, retired, – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 10-20-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 11-19-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 11-19-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 5-13-20

Laura Lee Brown, Louisville, artist – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 12-14-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-30-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 12-30-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 7-19-20

Gregory Bubalo, Louisville, attorney, Bubalo Law PLC – $57,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 1-26-23
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 7-12-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 3-1-22
• $10,000 to KDP on 5-18-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 8-12-20

William Carstanjen, Prospect, Churchill Downs, CEO – $47,000

• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-28-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 12-27-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 11-10-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 10-6-20

Clay Corman, Nicholasville, CMC Inc., owner – $62,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 2-22-23
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 4-20-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 4-15-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 8-3-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 10-16-20

John Dougherty, Louisville, Louisville Paving Co., CEO – $59,500

• $10,000 to KDP on 3-27-23
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 11-10-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 4-5-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 5-31-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 8-21-20
• $2,500 to KDP on 12-13-19

Michael F. Dudgeon Jr., Midway, Milam Farm LLC, partner – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 12-12-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-26-22
• $5,000 to KDP on 12-31-21
• $5,000 to KDP on 11-24-21
• $5,000 to KDP on 9-22-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 8-26-20

Jack Dulworth, Louisville, Dulworth Group, partner – $62,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 3-20-23
• $15,000 to KDP on 3-22-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 10-1-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 2-12-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 9-11-20

Jonathan Goldberg, Louisville, attorney, Goldberg & Simpson – $57,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 3-22-23
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-24-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 6-7-22
• $5,000 to KDP on 12-21-21
• $10,000 to KDP on 6-30-21
• $10,000 to KDP in 8-4-20

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William Hodgkin, Winchester, investor – $62,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 1-9-23
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 3-10-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 3-7-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 4-19-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 8-28-20

John Gill Holland Jr., Louisville, film producer – $47,000

• $15,00 to KDP on 3-22-23
• $5,000 to KDP on 1-26-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-6-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 10-30-21
• $10,000 to KDP on 12-14-20

Gary Johnson, Pikeville, attorney – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 2-2-23
• $15,000 to KDP 9-20-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-17-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 8-18-21

Franklin T. Lassiter, Midway, HealthTech Solutions, chief operating officer – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 12-15-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 11-2-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 10-28-20

Mary E. Lassiter, Midway, retired – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 12-15-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 11-2-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 10-28-20

McKinnley Morgan, London, Morgan Collins Yeast & Salyer, attorney – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 6-30-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-13-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 4-30-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 7-27-20

Charles O’Connor, Versailles, Ashford Stud, sales – $72,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 3-1-23
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-30-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 3-29-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 5-28-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 7-17-20
• $10,000 to KDP on 11-28-19

Frank Shoop, Lexington, retired car dealer – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 6-21-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 10-29-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 10-28-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 8-12-20

Colleen Swartz, Winchester, UK Medical Center, director – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 12-30-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 9-29-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 8-28-20

Mark A. Swartz, Winchester, Schwartz Enterprises, contractor – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 12-30-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 9-29-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 8-28-20

Mike Swartz, Olympia, Mike Swartz Construction, owner – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 12-30-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 6-28-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 9-29-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 8-28-20

Robert Vance, Maysville, retired banker – $57,000

• $10,000 on 3-27-23
• $5,000 to KDP on 12-5-22
• $10,000 to KDP on 3-16-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 10-27-21
• $5,000 to KDP on 9-8-21
• $10,000 to KDP on 4-12-21
• $5,000 to KDP on 9-8-20
• $10,000 to KDP on 7-22-20

Steve Wilson, Louisville, KY, 21C Museum Hotels, CEO – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 12-14-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 9-30-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 12-30-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 7-19-20

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William Yarmuth, Winter Park, FL, Egan E LLC Health Care – $52,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 10-21-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 12-8-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 12-8-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 7-31-20
• $5,000 to KDP on 12-2-19

Barbara S. Young, Lexington, homemaker – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 2-6-23
• $15,000 to KDP on 11-9-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 10-29-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 9-22-21

William T. Young Jr., Lexington. W.T. Young LLC – $47,000

• $15,000 to KDP on 2-6-23
• $15,000 to KDP on 11-9-22
• $2,000 to Beshear campaign on 10-29-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 9-22-21

Lee Zimmerman, Prospect, CEO of The Kidz Club – $57,100

• $2,100 to Beshear campaign on 3/29/23
• $15,000 to KDP on 3-4-22
• $15,000 t KDP on 4-23-21
• $10,000 to KDP on 8-19-20
• $15,000 to KDP on 11-26-19

Sherrill Zimmerman, Prospect, retired – $47,100

• $2,100 to Beshear campaign on 3-29-23
• $15,000 to KDP on 3-4-22
• $15,000 to KDP on 4-23-21
• $15,000 to KDP on 8-19-20

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Portrait of Richard "Dick" Wilson, in charcoal, by Tom Loftus, 2021. Based on a file photo from The Courier-Journal.

FRANKFORT — In simpler days before news was 24/7 online, good newspaper reporters were prone to an affliction that an old Ohio newsman first identified as “loading dock panic.” It struck in the dead of night, with the poor reporter sitting bolt upright and sweaty in bed, consumed with nagging doubt about a story finished and filed for publication hours earlier. Maybe it was uncertainty as benign as the spelling of a name. Or as potentially malignant as a key fact left un-triplechecked.

The afflicted wretch would lunge for the bedside phone to call the night desk. But the clock read 2:15. The papers were already tied and stacked on the loading dock, ready to zip statewide. The story’s fate was sealed.

Later that morning the nervous reporter would tear open the delivered paper and — almost always — see that the story was fine. The panic was pointless. But also part of the job if you were good.

Dick Wilson was good.

I knew Dick Wilson, a retired reporter for The Courier-Journal who died Tuesday, for about 40 years, worked closely with him for about 13. And I don’t know for a fact but I’m confident in guessing Dick suffered more than a few loading dock panics. Dick worried deep in his gut about getting the story right.

That’s one reason he was called a legend. That’s?why Ferrell Wellman, for years the Frankfort bureau reporter for WAVE-TV, said on learning of his passing that Dick “set the standard for Frankfort reporters for accuracy, fairness and thoroughness.”

Dick’s lengthy obituary in his old paper rightly emphasized his brilliant coverage of higher education, his scoops like identifying the next president of the University of Kentucky, and an important series he and colleague Richard Whitt wrote in 1983 that helped fuel the movement that eventually reformed Kentucky’s public schools.

The obit also noted that Dick looked the part of a smart reporter — a vaguely professorial visage, complete with horned-rim glasses, Oxford cloth, and pipe (a beloved pipe he put aside after his heart attack and bypass surgery in 1989).

But Dick was more than just smart, he was wise. Wise enough to recognize that the more he learned the more he realized how little he knew. Wise enough to understand, without condescension, that he was probably smarter than his average reader and if he didn’t fully understand something, his reader was sure to have no clue.

So he kept asking questions. Digging. Thinking. Clarifying.

Dick clearly loved the reporting business — the thrill of the chase for a big story, the page one bylines announcing your success, meeting with sources (sometimes clandestinely), swapping war stories over lunch in the Annex cafeteria with the gang from press row (his friendly but cut-throat competition).

He made it look easy. But from my own experience, I can tell you it wasn’t as easy for Dick as he made it seem. The business of finding truth through Frankfort’s haze — the constant self-promoting spin of politicians and the wily manipulation of sources, the shifting “reality” of politics — comes with a fair degree of stress. It’s no wonder old reporters have bad hearts.

Education was his passion and his specialty. Dick was most confident and comfortable covering the university and the schoolhouse. But he also was constantly required to write about topics outside his comfort zone. He covered the legislature — a noisy forum that debated an endless array of complex issues (health care, taxation, pensions, criminal justice, coal mine safety, etc.) infinitely broader than anyone’s comfort zone, even someone as studious as Dick.

As far as I could tell, Dick — like most people who make a living with words — found the process of writing difficult. Dick was not the flashiest, nor the fastest, writer I ever worked with. I attribute that to his obsession with accuracy and fairness. Some writers emphasize style over substance. Dick was all substance. And substance reveals itself slowly in writing.

I asked Stephen Ford, Dick’s editor at the C-J for many years, about this. Steve said Dick “was a little slow to pull the trigger, but he knew what deadlines meant and he met them. He wasn’t a daring writer, but he was clean and clear, and he didn’t mind if an editor jazzed things up a bit if it could be done without changing the story’s thrust or introducing error.”

Dick did not — to put it mildly — adapt easily to the revolution in technology that rocked the newspaper business beginning as far back as 1980, and eventually led to a need for flash and speed that was antithetical to his nature.

You could call him old school and be right. Dick was a reporter who appreciated a really good pen. The joke about Dick was that the only “computer-assisted journalism” he ever did was when he stood on his laptop so he could reach the City Directory off the top shelf of the Bureau bookcase.

But Stephen Ford added, “Dick was ‘old school’ in all of the phrase’s positive senses — indefatigable in collecting information, meticulous and even a bit cautious about how he worded things, unfailingly courteous to everyone he dealt with.”

It was probably good timing for Dick to retire from daily journalism when he did in 1999.

The technology revolution was raging by then. So was the push by the Courier-Journal’s corporate masters to re-invent the very concept of what journalism was every few years, in a desperate struggle to get in front of the technological curve and remain the dominant player in the local news marketplace.

Retirement from daily journalism allowed Dick to indulge another passion — mentoring young journalists.

He worked a year as interim director of the University of Kentucky’s School of Journalism, and then many years of semi-retirement running an internship program that brought college students from across the state to work at and see first-hand state agencies in Frankfort. You would catch sight of him, a little disheveled and breathing hard, professorial and patient, herding his young charges into the Annex basement on their way through the tunnel to the Capitol to see the legislature at work. You’d think: The next generation of Kentucky journalists right there is in damn good hands.

When word came Tuesday that Dick had passed away at age 85 some of us who remember the seriousness of his heart attack in 1989 and visited him in his recent months of ill health, realized how tough Dick was. His was a life that was not only rich and full, but remarkably long. That heart attack 30 years ago didn’t cut him short at all.

Dick’s wife Debbie, and his sons Pete and Geoff, can speak to that great vitality, and to Dick’s most important success in life: His role as husband, father and grandpa.

But journalism was Dick’s profession, and how he’ll be remembered by countless grateful readers and students and colleagues across generations in Kentucky. And the sure-thing bet here is, he found any nights of loading-dock terror a small price to pay for that fine and honorable legacy.

Kentucky Republican governor candidate Kelly Craft speaks to a crowd at Heitzman Traditional Bakery and Deli in Louisville on Feb. 16. (Kentucky Lantern photo by McKenna Horsley)

FRANKFORT — Republican candidate for governor Kelly Craft and her husband Joe Craft each contributed $10,000 to the?Republican Party of Kentucky?last month.

The two Crafts were among 12 donors who each gave $10,000 to the RPK in February, according to a report the party filed late last week with the Federal Election Commission.

Five of the others who gave $10,000 are registered lobbyists.

The dozen big donations, and many smaller ones, allowed the RPK to report that it had $231,076 in receipts during the month. It spent $115,892.

As of Feb. 28 the RPK reported it had $1,594,850 on hand.

The Kentucky Democratic Party reported similar numbers to the FEC on Monday for its fundraising in February. It reported $222,334 in total receipts, $138,055 in spending, and $1,146,679 on hand as of Feb. 28.

Kelly Craft, a former U.S. ambassador to Canada and to the United Nations, is among a dozen candidates vying for the Republican nomination for governor in the May 16 primary election.

She and Joe Craft have been major political donors for some time. Joe Craft, identified in the FEC report as president of Alliance Coal, is often referred to in news stories as a “billionaire.”

Joe Craft is president and CEO of Tulsa-based?Alliance Resource Partners which operates?seven underground mining complexes?in two geologic regions, the Illinois Basin and Central Appalachia, including mines in Eastern and Western Kentucky. Alliance also controls?oil and gas reserves.

Kelly Craft’s campaign is attacking both President Joe Biden and Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron, one of her Republican primary opponents, in?advertisements?asserting that they are undermining coal’s future as a fuel for generating electricity.

The most an individual can contribute to a state political party’s committee regulated by the FEC is $10,000 a year.

Here are the names of the others who gave $10,000 to the Republican Party of Kentucky in February:

Raymond Ashcraft, Georgetown, Northstar, manager of government affairs

Carolyn Hamby, Clarksville, Tennessee, Facilities Services Management, president

Terry Hamby, Cadiz, retired

Frank Harshaw, Louisville, W. Frank Harshaw & Associates, business management

Wayne Hunt, Hopkinsville, AgriPower, owner

Patrick Jennings, Prospect, Commonwealth Alliances, government affairs

Collin? Johnson, Shelbyville, Commonwealth Alliances, government affairs

Garry McNabb, Cookeville, Tennessee, Check Express, CEO

David Whitehouse, Lexington, The Bluegrass Group, managing partner

Amy Wickliffe, Lexington, McCarthy Strategic Solutions, partner

Here are the names of those who gave $10,000 in February to the Kentucky Democratic Party’s FEC-regulated committee:

Claude A. Berry III, Eminence, Wehr Construction, CEO

Diana L. Britton, Louisville, homemaker

William C. Britton, Louisville, retired

Clay M. Corman, Nicholasville, CMC Inc., president

Michael R. Eaves, Richmond, retired

Judith Hanekamp, Masonic Home, retired

John B. Haydon, Bardstown, Nally & Haydon, manager

David Haydon, Bardstown, Nally & Haydon, general contractor

Paul Haydon, Louisville, Armtag Corp., executive vice president

Gary C. Johnson, Pikeville, attorney

Donna Rogers, Otisco, Indiana, Aunt D’s Market & Gifts, owner

Edward Squires, Louisville, Senior Helpers of Kentucky, community relations coordinator

Barbara S.? Young, Lexington, homemaker

William T. Young Jr., Lexington, W.T. Young LLC, president

Twelve Republicans are seeking to unseat the current occupant of the Kentucky Governor's Mansion. Eight of them will debate over Tuesday and Wednesday nights in Northern Kentucky. (Getty Images)

FRANKFORT — Republican candidate for governor Kelly Craft recently disclosed that she and her husband Joe Craft have financial interests in more than 20 businesses, primarily the coal giant Alliance Resource Partners LP, which is headed by Joe Craft.

Candidates for statewide office were required to file personal financial statements by Feb. 15 covering calendar year 2022 with the Kentucky Executive Branch Ethics Commission. And in those reports candidates must list each business in which they have an interest of at least 5% of the company, or have an investment in the company valued at $10,000 or more. They also must list sources of income, memberships on boards, real estate holdings and the receipt of any gifts worth at least $200.

But they do not have to list specific amounts of their investments, nor do they have to list specific amounts of income from any source.

As such, the reports provide no answer to the question of how much a candidate is worth — a question most often raised about Craft, a first-time candidate who is married to a man routinely referred to in news stories as a “billionaire.”

Here is a quick look at what seven candidates for governor disclosed in reports they filed with the ethics commission last week:

Kelly Craft, Republican

She holds more than 5% ownership interest in two investment holding companies: JC Land LLC, and JC Third LP.

She owns an interest of at least $10,000 in nine publicly traded securities: Alliance Resource Partners LP; Continental Resources Inc.; DCP Midstream LP; Energy Transfer LP; Enterprise Product Partners LP; Equitrans Midstream Corporation; USA Compression Partners LP; Viper Energy Partners LP; Williams Companies Inc.

She disclosed that Joe Craft owns more than 5% of these 11 entities: Alliance Resource Partners LP; Alliance GP LLC; Alliance Resource Management GP LLC; ARHWC LLC; C-Holdings LLC; JCGP Inc.;? JC Land LLC; JC Resources LP; JC Third LP; JWC III Rev Trust; Opal Resources LLC.

She reported Joe Craft has an interest of at least $10,000 in BOK Financial Corporation.

Kelly Craft listed her other sources of income as two brokerage accounts, one with Morgan Stanley, the other Goldman Sachs.

She listed her husband’s other income sources as: director compensation from BOK Financial; retirement income from Social Security; retirement income from MAPCO/Williams Companies; interest income from BOK Financial and Goldman Sachs.

She listed no real estate owned by either of them other than their personal residence. She reported she has no creditors owed more than $10,000.

She reported that in 2022 she served as a board member of four different organizations: Institute for the Study of War, Washington; Tent Foundation, New York; Advancing American Freedom Inc., Washington; and Canadian-American Business Council, Washington.

Joe Craft, she reported, served during the year as a board member of two national trade organizations: America’s Power, of Arlington, VA; and National Mining Association, of Washington, DC.

Gov. Andy Beshear, Democrat

Beshear reported having an interest of at least $10,000 in each of three entities: U.S. Bancorp.; Microsoft Corp.; and Baird Equity Funds.

He reported income of at least $1,000 last year from each of these sources: U.S. Bancorp stock dividends, and a Roth IRA rollover from National Financial Services LLC.

The ethics commission requires that all gifts received that are worth more than $200 be disclosed. Beshear reported receiving these gifts: University of Kentucky basketball and football tickets from University of Kentucky; Breeders’ Cup tickets from Breeders’ Cup Limited; an honorary membership from the Frankfort Country Club; tickets to a University of Louisville Women’s Basketball game in the NCAA Tournament; and three pairs of sun glasses from Shady Rays, of Simpsonville.

Beshear, who lives with his wife and two children in the Governor’s Mansion, reported owning no real estate in 2022. He also listed no creditors.

Attorney General Daniel Cameron, Republican

Cameron disclosed that he served as a director of two organizations last year: Republican Attorneys General Association, of Washington; and Rule of Law Defense Fund, of Washington.

He listed no outside sources of income. And he listed no businesses in which he owns an interest of at least $10,000 or which equals at least 5% of the business.

He listed holding an interest of at least $10,000 in only one piece of real estate, his personal residence. And he reported one creditor to whom he owes more than $10,000 – Republic Bank ISAOA, of Hancock, MI.

He listed one gift worth $200 or more — from the Republican Attorneys General Association, but the report doesn’t identify what the gift was.

Agriculture Commissioner Ryan Quarles, Republican

Quarles reported holding no ownership of any business valued at $10,000 or more or amounting to 5% or more of the value of the business, nor did he report any outside sources of income.

He reported owning at least a $10,000 interest in his personal residence, but no other real property investments. He reported having one creditor, Roger Quarles, of Georgetown.

And Quarles disclosed receiving gifts worth more than $200 from “Secret Admirer, name and address unknown.”

Jake Cox, manager of Quarles’ campaign said that over the past two years Quarles has received several packages in the mail containing “shirts, or belts, regular clothes — nothing extravagant.” The packages have no return address and Quarles has no idea who sent them. Cox did not immediately know exactly how many packages Quarles has received, not did he have a complete list of the items sent. But Cox said the aggregate value of the gifts apparently exceeded $200 last year, so Quarles decided “for the sake of transparency” to list it in his annual financial disclosure report with the commission.

Auditor Mike Harmon, Republican

Harmon reported that his wife Monica is employed as chaplain at Isaiah House Treatment Center in Willisburg.

The only outside position he reported is as a “Moderator/Deacon” at First Baptist Church Junction City in Danville.

Harmon reported he had no ownership of at least $10,000 or 5% in any business. And the only outside income he listed was from “rental of downstairs apartment.”

Besides his personal residence, he reported owning a second home in Frankfort, which he sold in 2022.

Harmon listed one creditor owed more than $10,000 – Abound CU, of Fort Knox.

Somerset Mayor Alan Keck, Republican

Keck reported that his wife Tiffany is part owner of Lake Point Aesthetics, of Somerset.

He disclosed that he owns Keck Consulting, LLC and is part owner of a retail sporting goods business known as Paul’s Discount.

Keck listed owning no real estate other than his personal residence. And he listed four creditors: Cumberland Valley National Bank, Somerset; Community Trust Bank, Pikeville; Lending Club, of San Francisco; and Huntington Bank of Huntington, West Virginia.

Eric Deters, Republican

Deters listed his employer as “Deters Law” and reported he is the owner of a media company named Bulldog Media.

He disclosed that he is trustee for the Eric and Mary Deters Irrevocable Trust and the Eric Deters Irrevocable Trust.

He also reported having two creditors owed at least $10,000: Peoples Hazard Bank, and Heritage Bank, of Burlington.

Getty Images

FRANKFORT — Just as Democrat Andy Beshear has built a big fundraising lead over his Republican rivals for governor, the Kentucky Democratic Party has amassed a much bigger warchest than the Republican Party of Kentucky at the outset of this gubernatorial election year.

In disclosures filed with campaign finance regulators this week, the Kentucky Democratic Party reported having nearly $4.7 million on hand when balances of its state and federal committees are combined.

That compares to a combined balance of just under $1.8 million on hand reported by the Republican Party of Kentucky for its state and federal committees.

The Democratic Party’s efforts were boosted by a wave of big contributions made in December of last year.

Sebastian Kitchen, executive director of the KDP attributed the Democrats’ fundraising success in 2022 to Beshear’s popularity. “A majority of Kentuckians want four more years of his strong, steady leadership that shattered economic development records while leading us through unprecedented challenges,” Kitchen said in a statement.

But the RPK says it has a much lower balance than Democrats now because it spent the vast amount of what it raised last year to successfully do what it planned to do last year — elect Republicans. “It appears the Democrats have a different view,” said Sean Southard, director of communications for the RPK.? “Last year, the Democrats largely chose to hoard funds and not spend to support their candidates in the state legislature or Charles Booker,” the Democratic nominee for U.S. Senate who lost to incumbent Republican Rand Paul.

In addition to the big edge in cash held by his political party, reports filed last month show Beshear’s re-election campaign fund holds more money than all of the many Republican candidates for governor combined.

Last month Beshear’s campaign reported he had $4.7 million on hand. By comparison the Republican who reported having the most on hand last month was Agriculture Commissioner Ryan Quarles, whose campaign balance stood at $874,000. Among Republicans, former United Nations Ambassador Kelly Craft had raised the most, according to the most recent reports, but had spent $1 million of the $1.3 million she reported having raised.

Moreover, Beshear faces no serious challenge in the May primary, while Republicans will spend everything they can raise to win their own party primary.

Circumstances will be different in the general election, however. Super PACs that can accept contributions of unlimited amounts will pour millions into independent advertising campaigns for each side. The winner of the Republican primary — in a state that has trended Republican for decades — is not likely to be under-funded in the fall.

The numbers

The RPK and the KDP on Tuesday each filed two disclosure reports: one for its committee registered with the Federal Election Commission listing its contributions and expenses for the last month of 2022; the other for its committee registered with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance covering its contributions and expenses for the last six months of 2022.

Within its two reports, the KDP listed a bit over $1.3 million in contributions by named individuals, and a bit over $110,000 in contributions from political action committees.

In its two reports, the RPK listed $246,000 in contributions by individuals and $194,000 from PACs.

Big Democratic contributions

The Republicans reported no givers during the periods covered who gave the maximum of $15,000 that any person can give to a state party over the course of a year. However, the Democrat reports listed 50 givers who gave the maximum $15,000 each. And all of these contributions came in December of 2022.

Here are the names of those who gave $15,000 each to the Democratic Party in December:

Douglas Asher II, Wallins Creek, attorney

Laurence N. Benz, Louisville, Confluent Health, executive

Patricia G. Benz, Louisville, Confuluent Health, physical therapist

Steven B. Bowler, Hudson, MA, Two Abigail Consulting, president

Garvin Brown IV, Louisville, Brown-Forman, executive

Laura Lee Brown, Louisville, retired

Victoire Brown, San Francisco, Calif., self employed

William C. Carstanjen, Prospect, Churchill Downs, president

Michael F. Dudgeon Jr., Midway, Milam Farm LLC, partner

Edward Fields, Jackson, Wyo., Community Wellness, executive

Zoe Fields, Jackson, Wyo., Community Wellness, co-founder

Ashley Gray, London, Hometown Bank, manager

James P. Gray II, Lexington, Transportation Cabinet secretary

Robert Gray, London, WB Transport, manager

Terry W. Green, Sugarland, Texas,? accountant

Paul J. Guastello Jr., Kansas City, Mo., St. Pius, consultant

Michael Hacker, Gray, WB Transport, consultant

Augusta Brown Holland, Louisville, entrepreneur

John Gill Holland Jr., Louisville, entrepreneur

Pamela L. Klinner, Prospect, cpa

David Christopher Kloiber, Lexington, Kloiber Foundation, CEO

Maria Koutourousiou, Louisville, Kentucky One Health, physician

Franklin T. Lassiter, Midway, HealthTech Solutions, COO

George B. Lassiter, Lexington, Pomeroy, project manager

Mary E. Lassiter, Midway, retired

Lisa Lourie, West Palm Beach, Fla., Spy Coast Farm, owner

Caden McAdams, Corbin, WB Transport, manager

Chrystal McAdams, Corbin, Indiana Travel Nurses, nurse

William Louis McMahan, Glenview, investor

Laveda Motley, Olympia, homemaker

Mary E. Niehaus, Falcon Heights, Minn., HealthTech Solutions, graphic design consultant

Alicia Owens, Indianapolis, Ind., Marriott, manager

David Owens, Keavy, Envious, manager

Lanola Lawson Parsons, Harlan, Harlan Gun and Pawn, owner

Jennifer Schacht, Las Vegas, Nev., teacher

Theodore Sedgwick, Marshall, Va., retired

Colleen H. Swartz, Winchester, UK Medical Center, director

Mark A. Swartz, Winchester, Schwartz Enterprises, president

Mike Swartz, Olympia, Swartz Construction, owner

Duane D. Wall, New Nork, N.Y., White and Case, attorney

Alexis Weddle, London, student

Carmen Weddle, Gray, retired

Jennifer Weddle, Corbin, The Depot on Main, owner

Lisa Weddle, Knoxville, Tenn., Envious, owner

Nicholas Weddle, London, FH Trading, manager

Victoria Weddle, Keavy, Mad Hatter Diesel, CFO

Steve Wilson, Louisville, 21C Museum Hotels, CEO

Joan Winchell, Las Vegas, Nev., retired

Kristen Winchell, Las Vegas, Nev., investor,

Mark J. Zinselmeier, Community Wellness, COO

“Correction: Because of outdated information included in a recent campaign finance report filed by the Kentucky Democratic Party, an earlier version of this story posted in Kentucky Lantern listed an incorrect employer for Democratic Party donor Michael Dudgeon. ?

Lawmakers from both chambers, gathered on the floor of the House for last year's State of the Commonwealth Address, applauded first responders in the gallery, Jan. 4, 2023. (Photo for Kentucky Lantern by Arden Barnes)

FRANKFORT — ?A record amount of nearly $24.3 million was spent lobbying the Kentucky General Assembly in 2022, according to reports filed by the hundreds of corporations, associations and other groups registered to lobby the legislature.

Reports filed by the groups show that the Kentucky Chamber of Commerce continues to be the biggest-spending group in trying to influence Kentucky lawmakers. According to totals posted on the website of the Kentucky Legislative Ethics Commission, the chamber reported $408,301 on legislative lobbying in 2022.

The chamber last year saw passage of two of its priority bills: House Bill 8 which reduced the state income tax and House Bill 4 which restricted unemployment benefits.

Records on the ethics commission website show the Kentucky Hospital Association reported spending the second largest amount on lobbying last year at $304,707. Tobacco company Altria Client Services, parent of Philip Morris USA, was third at $269,685.

The ethics commission website also posts a list of how much individual lobbyists were paid last year, and the lobbyist who was paid the most in 2022 was John McCarthy, a former chairman of the Republican Party of Kentucky. According to the ethics commission website, McCarthy was paid $967,727 by the nearly 100 different groups he represents.

These numbers, all from the ethics commission website, could inch up slightly because a few groups had not yet filed reports disclosing their spending in the final five months of 2022.

Here are the 20 groups that reported spending the most on lobbying the General Assembly in 2022:

Kentucky Chamber of Commerce, Frankfort, business association, $408,301

Kentucky Hospital Association, Louisville, hospital association, $304,707

Altria Client Solutions, Richmond, Va., tobacco, other issues, $269,685

ACLU of Kentucky, Louisville, $195,489

Kentucky Medical Association, Louisville, doctors, $157,416

Kentucky League of Cities, Frankfort, city government association, $151,308

HCA Healthcare, Nashville, hospitals, $146,548

Pharmaceutical Care Management Assn., Washington, D.C., pharmacy benefit managers, $142,257

Kentucky Retail Federation, Frankfort, retail stores, $142,237

Pace-O-Matic of Kentucky, Duluth, Ga., maker of games sometimes referred to as “gray machines,”$136,416

Kentucky Distillers Association., Frankfort, bourbon distillers association, $135,624

Healthcare Distribution Alliance, Arlington, Va., pharmaceutical issues, $128,578

Academic Partnerships LLC, Dallas, education, $127,500

LG&E and KU Energy, Louisville, electric utility, $121,669

Greater Louisville Inc., Louisville, business association, $117,512

Anthem Blue Cross & Blue Shield, Louisville, insurance, $115,972

LifePoint Health, Brentwood, Tenn., hospitals, $110,002

AT&T, Louisville, telecommunications, $109,618

Houchens Industries, Bowling Green, groceries, road construction, other, $107,770

Kentucky Petroleum Marketers Association, Lexington, petroleum, $106,161

Here is a list of the 20 people who were paid the most money to lobby the General Assembly in 2022, according to the ethics commission website. Each of these lobbyists represents many different clients. Below each name and dollar amount is the number of clients the lobbyist currently represents along with three examples of the lobbyists clients:

John McCarthy, $967,727

96 clients including Altria Client Services, Pfizer, and Stride Inc.

Patrick Jennings, $706,775

60 clients including Stronach Group, Kentucky Hospital Assn., and The Jockey Club

Bob Babbage, $704,300

37 clients including Cash Express, Pearson Education Ltd., and Kentucky Lions Eyebank

Stephen Huffman, $659,000

23 clients including Revolutionary Racing, The Red Mile and IGT

Ronny Pryor, $651,850

10 clients including HCA Healthcare, Gainwell Technologies, and LifePoint Health

Sean Cutter, $642,729

51 lients including Keeneland Association, RAI Services, and U.S. WorldMeds

Chris Nolan, $567,236

52 clients including Amgen Inc., Service Contract Industry Council, and Teledoc Health

Jason Bentley, $527,179

46 clients including Amgen Inc., Kentucky distillers Assn., RAI Services

Amy Wickliffe, $511,046

85 clients including Churchill Downs, Kentucky American Water, and Kentucky Employers Mutual Insurance

Karen Thomas-Lentz, $488,750

47 clients including Swisher International, EPIC Pharmacies, and CSX Corp.

James M. Higdon, $488,176

51 clients including Service Contract Industry Council, Lexis Learning Systems, LG&E and KU Energy

Trey Grayson, $485,651

30 clients including Academic Partnerships LLC, Lancaster Colony Corp., and Secure Elections Project

Steve Robertson, $477,117

30 clients including Secure Elections Project, Academic Partnerships LLC, and Wellpath

Laura Owens, $460,750

32 clients including Uber Technologies, Dealertrack Registration and Titling Solutions, and Baptist Health

John Cooper, $419,640

30 clients including Toyota Motor North America, Kentucky Medical Assn., Kentucky Bankers Assn.

Jason Underwood, $417,500

7 clients including heaven Hill Distilleries, Cannon Cochran Management, and American Wagering

Kelly Abell, $389,334

25 clients including Brightspring Health, McKesson Corp., and Philanthropy Roundtable

Katherine Hall, $363,215

58 clients including Kentucky Association of Health Care Facilities, EmsanaRx., and Stronach Group

Mike Biagi, $322,478

19 clients including Kentucky Downs, Philanthropy Roundtable, and Appalachian Racing

Leigh Thacker, $314,037

31 clients including Sportsbetting Alliance, Kentucky Press Assn., and Mountain Comprehensive Care.

This story has been updated with information that became available Friday morning.

FRANKFORT, Ky. – Charter Communications, the St. Louis-based telecommunications company, contributed $50,000 in late 2022 to the building fund of the Kentucky Democratic Party.

The contribution was disclosed in a report filed by the party Tuesday morning with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance.

It was the only contribution listed in the Democratic Party’s building fund report covering the last three months of 2022.

It compares to a stunning $1.65 million in corporation contributions received in the last quarter of 2022 by the building fund of the Republican Party of Kentucky. Kentucky Lantern revealed those contributions in a story on Monday that noted the drug maker Pfizer Inc. contributed $1 million of that total.

A spokesman for the Republican Party of Kentucky said the large donations were raised to pay for an expansion of the party headquarters building – named the Mitch McConnell Building – in Frankfort.

Under provisions of a 2017 law each party has a building fund in addition to its traditional primary party fund used to advocate for election of its candidates. The building funds can be used only to pay costs of construction, renovation and maintenance of its headquarters.

While amounts a person or PAC can give to the traditional party funds are limited by law and corporation contributions are prohibited, the party building funds can accept contributions of unlimited amounts and can accept corporation contributions.

While the Democratic building fund contributions were tiny during the recent quarter compared to the Republican building fund, the $50,000 donation by Charter is still a large one.

A review of reports of the Democratic Party building fund shows that Charter Communications has almost single-handedly funded the party’s needs for building expenses in the last two years. Charter Communications also gave another $50,000 in August of 2021. The total $100,000 in donations is more than 86 percent of all the money the fund has taken in during the two-year period between Jan. 1, 2021 and Dec. 31, 2022, election registry records show.

The only other large contribution the Democratic building fund received in the past two years was $10,000 given last September by the PAC of the law firm Frost Brown Todd.

Charter Communications, like Pfizer, has had a lobbying presence in Frankfort for years. Also, like Pfizer, its interests in Frankfort are represented by the lobbying firm headed by John McCarthy, according to the website of the Kentucky Legislative Ethics Commission.

Republican Party of Kentucky headquarters in Frankfort. (Kentucky Lantern photo by Tom Loftus)

FRANKFORT, Ky. – In what may be the largest political contribution ever given to a political party in Kentucky, the drug maker Pfizer Inc. gave $1 million last month to the building fund of the Republican Party of Kentucky.

A report filed by Republican Party of Kentucky Building Fund last week with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance listed the $1 million from Pfizer along with five other big corporation contributions in the final quarter of 2022 totalling $1.65 million.

That is an extraordinarily large haul for the fund which had raised only $6,000 during the first three quarters of 2022.

The other large corporate donors to the fund in late 2022 were:

• Metropolitan Life Insurance Co., New York, $300,000;
• Altria Client Services LLC, of Richmond, VA., $100,000;
• Comcast Corp., of Philadelphia; $100,000;
• AT&T, of St. Louis; $100,000;
• Delta Air Lines, of Atlanta, $50,000.

State and federal campaign finance laws set limits on how much a person or political action committee can give to the executive committee of either political party. (A person can give no more than $15,000 per year.) And corporation contributions to a party’s executive committee are prohibited.

But part of a campaign finance bill passed by the General Assembly in 2017 allowed each party to establish a building fund that can accept contributions of unlimited amounts. It also allowed the building funds to accept contributions from corporations.

The Kentucky Democratic Party’s building fund has not yet filed a report on its contributions and expenses for the last quarter of 2022.

The election registry website says that money in a party building fund “may be used for expenditures related to the purchase, construction, maintenance, renovation, and repair of the state executive committee’s main headquarters facility.”

In response to questions from Kentucky Lantern, Sean Southard, spokesman for the Republican Party of Kentucky, released a statement Monday that said in part “the Republican Party purchased the lot next door to our Frankfort headquarters and is planning an expansion project. Our current headquarters was acquired in 1974. With the growth of the Republican Party in Kentucky, we have a need for additional space.”

The $1.65 million added to the GOP building fund would be plenty to pay for a major expansion and upgrade for the party headquarters. The Franklin County Property Valuation Administrator’s website currently lists the taxable value of the current headquarters property at $485,000. The Franklin PVA lists the taxable value of the adjacent vacant lot owned by the Republican Party at $150,000.

A sign identifies the party headquarters as the Mitch McConnell Building, in honor of U.S. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky.

In response to a question about the huge size of the corporate contributions, Southard’s statement said, “As we raise funds into the building fund account, we are following both federal and state law. The funds raised into this account can only be used for certain expenditures related to the building and are not eligible to be spent on candidate or issue advocacy.”

Pfizer has long had a lobbying presence in Kentucky and for years it has retained the lobbying firm headed by John McCarthy to represent its interests in Frankfort.

McCarthy, a former chairman of the Republican Party of Kentucky who is still a member of its executive committee, referred questions about the contribution to the Pfizer media relations department in New York which did not immediately respond to an email and phone call from Kentucky Lantern.

Pfizer is a multinational pharmaceutical and biotech company based in New York; its brands include?Viagra, Zoloft and Lipitor and more recently the Pfizer-BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine and the antiviral Paxlovid.

Fueled by sales of its COVID-19 vaccine, Pfizer’s revenue doubled to $81.3 billion from 2020 to 2021. The company ranks 43rd on the Fortune 500 list.

For the first three quarters of 2022, Pfizer reported $76 billion in revenues.?

Pfizer is no stranger to political spending. In 2022, the company spent $11.6 million lobbying the federal government, putting it in the top dozen lobbying spenders, according to Open Secrets.

Its affiliates and PAC contribute generously to federal candidates of both parties.

Pfizer announced in November that it will triple or even quadruple the price of its COVID-19 vaccine once it goes on the commercial market next year, according to Kaiser Health News.

Comcast, Altria Client Services (formerly Phillip Morris), AT&T and Delta Air Lines, also are registered to lobby the Kentucky General Assembly. Metropolitan Life Insurance does not retain a lobbyist in Frankfort, according to records of the Legislative Ethics Commission.

This article has been updated with new information.

]]> https://www.rockymountainsharpshop.com/2023/01/09/pfizer-gives-1-million-to-republican-party-of-kentucky-to-expand-its-headquarters/feed/ 0 https://www.rockymountainsharpshop.com/2023/01/03/beshear-maintains-big-fundraising-lead-over-republican-rivals/ https://www.rockymountainsharpshop.com/2023/01/03/beshear-maintains-big-fundraising-lead-over-republican-rivals/#respond [email protected] (Tom Loftus) Tue, 03 Jan 2023 23:46:50 +0000 https://www.rockymountainsharpshop.com/?p=1217

Twelve Republicans are seeking to unseat the current occupant of the Kentucky Governor's Mansion. Eight of them will debate over Tuesday and Wednesday nights in Northern Kentucky. (Getty Images)

This article has been updated with new information.

FRANKFORT, KY – Gov. Andy Beshear’s re-election campaign on Tuesday reported raising $646,700 during the last quarter of 2022, bringing the total Beshear has raised to date to $5,180,200.

The campaign reported having a bit over $4.7 million of that on hand.

While the haul during the past three months is smaller than any of the previous four quarters that the incumbent Democrat has been raising money for re-election, it is still a significant sum that increases his big money lead over all Republicans running for governor.

On the Republican side, former United Nations Ambassador Kelly Craft had by far the strongest fundraising quarter. Her campaign reported $547,600 in receipts during the three months bringing her total raised for the campaign to $1.3 million. That’s the largest amount raised by any Republican so far in the gubernatorial primary.

But Craft also is the only candidate for governor from either party who has been spending big. Her report showed just over $1 million in expenses during the quarter including the first television ads aired by any candidate for governor so far.

Craft’s campaign reported having just $230,200 on hand.

Attorney General Daniel Cameron’s campaign raised $259,100 during the period, bringing the total raised by his campaign to $967,400. His campaign reported having $712,300 on hand.

Agriculture Commissioner Ryan Quarles, who going into the quarter had raised the most money among the Republican candidates, reported raising little in the last three months – just $54,300. That brought the total his campaign has raised to $930,000.

But the Quarles campaign also reported little spending, leaving him with $874,600 on hand – more than any of his Republican rivals.

Beshear also is not expected to face a serious challenge in his bid to win the Democratic Party nomination in the May primary. So, his campaign can save its money while the many Republican contenders must spend their available resources during the primary race.

A review of the long list of more than 2,000 contributions to Beshear during the quarter shows that he received $21,500 from officials and employees of Norton Healthcare; $20,000 from officials of Freedom Senior Services, a Louisville based company that provides in-home health care services; and $16,500 from officials of Churchill Downs.

And as was true with his campaign’s previous reports, Beshear continues to draw scores of contributions from officials within his administration.

About one quarter of the contributors to Craft’s campaign during the quarter were from outside Kentucky with the largest share of that coming from contributors in Oklahoma where the energy company Alliance Coal, headed by her husband Joe Craft, is based.

Among those listed as giving the maximum $2,000 contribution to the Craft campaign during the period are: University of Kentucky football coach Mark Stoops; conservative political consultant Karl Rove, of Austin, Texas; and John Schnatter, the former chief executive of Papa Johns.

Here are the main numbers for three other Republican contenders whose campaigns filed reports on? Tuesday:

*Somerset Mayor Alan Keck, who entered the Republican primary for governor on Nov. 21, reported raising $204,800 in his first 40 days of fundraising. He reported having $171,900 on hand.

Keck report shows he raised most of his money from Somerset and nearby towns, but got 22 contributions totaling about $35,000 from donors from the St. Petersburg Florida area.

*Kentucky Auditor Mike Harmon reported raising just $3,779 during the period. His campaign reports having $26,000 on hand

*Eric Deters, of Northern Kentucky, reported raising just $4,800 during the three-month period and having $6, 143 on hand.

]]> https://www.rockymountainsharpshop.com/2023/01/03/beshear-maintains-big-fundraising-lead-over-republican-rivals/feed/ 0 https://www.rockymountainsharpshop.com/2022/12/14/robust-revenue-growth-forecast-setting-stage-for-gop-to-cut-kentucky-income-tax-next-month/ https://www.rockymountainsharpshop.com/2022/12/14/robust-revenue-growth-forecast-setting-stage-for-gop-to-cut-kentucky-income-tax-next-month/#respond [email protected] (Tom Loftus) Thu, 15 Dec 2022 00:00:31 +0000 https://www.rockymountainsharpshop.com/?p=771

Kentucky Capitol (Getty Images)

FRANKFORT, Ky. – Kentucky can expect a big revenue surplus of $1.4 billion when the state’s current fiscal year ends on June 30.

That was the prediction Wednesday of a group of experts — called the Consensus Forecasting Group — which is charged with making official forecasts of revenue for budgeting purposes.

If the forecast proves close to accurate, it will mark the third consecutive fiscal year when tax revenues produced a huge surplus.

Also, if the forecast is accurate, it likely would allow the Kentucky General Assembly to consider another reduction in Kentucky’s income tax rate under a landmark tax bill known as House Bill 8 passed by lawmakers earlier this year.

As the surprising upward revenue trend of the past few years has shown, predicting how much tax money will flow into state coffers is a tricky business. Frank O’Connor, chairman of the forecasting group, noted Wednesday that factors far beyond Kentucky’s control — such as international events in Ukraine, China or elsewhere — can quickly throw any revenue forecast “out of whack.”

Still, Wednesday’s prediction was made with some confidence if only because receipts are already in hand for the first five months of the current fiscal year. And those receipts show solid growth.

The forecast

Here are the basic numbers from Wednesday’s forecast:

• In the current fiscal year (July 1, 2022 through June 30, 2023) General Fund revenues are expected to grow by 3.4% to a total of $15.2 billion. That would produce a surplus of $1.44 billion over the requirements for the current budget.
• In the following fiscal year (July 1, 2023 through June 30, 2024) revenues are expected to grow by 1.7% to hit a total of nearly $15.5 billion.

O’Connor, professor emeritus of economics at Eastern Kentucky University, said the forecast does not anticipate a recession in the next 18 months.

“This anticipates that the economy is going to continue to move along, not spectacularly but more gently,” O’Connor said. He said he was a bit more pessimistic than most members of the group.

The forecast does account for the loss of revenue that will result from a reduction in the income tax rate from 5% to 4.5% effective on Jan. 1 that was part of HB 8.

But it does not account for an additional reduction in the income tax rate under the terms of HB 8 that lawmakers seem likely to pass when they convene next month in regular session.

House Bill 8

The new law not only reduced the income tax rate from 5% to 4.5% effective Jan. 1, 2023, but it set up a complicated process in which the General Assembly could consider in each future year an additional cut of a half a percentage point in the income tax rate so long as two conditions were met showing that the General Fund enjoyed strong financial health in the prior fiscal year. Those conditions are:

• The balance in the state’s reserve fund (commonly called the ‘rainy day’ fund) at the end of the fiscal year is equal to at least 10% of total revenues in the prior year.
• The total revenue in the prior fiscal year exceeded spending in that prior year by at least an amount equal to what it would cost if the income tax rate was reduced by a full percentage point.

Those two conditions were met at the end of last fiscal year, allowing lawmakers to consider cutting the rate again in January. If it does so, then the income tax rate will drop to 4% effective Jan. 1, 2024.

Supporters of HB 8 say it is a responsible way to gradually reduce the income tax rate, making Kentucky more competitive with states that have low rates or no income tax at all.

They also hope that a year from now continued revenue growth will allow them to consider yet another cut in the rate (to 3.5% effective Jan. 1, 2025) when lawmakers convene in 2024.

Wednesday’s forecast of revenues for the 2022-23 fiscal year indicate that it is likely.

Republicans who hold super majorities in both the House and Senate say Wednesday’s forecast shows Kentucky remains on solid financial ground. They say the state can afford the income tax rate cut to 4% they plan to pass in January.

Sen. Chris McDaniel, the Taylor Mill Republican who chairs the Senate budget committee, said of the new forecast, “I’m glad to see it … We had a pretty good idea that things were holding up strong.”

McDaniel said he expected, but was not sure, that if the forecast proves true that the 2024 legislature will be eligible to consider yet another half percentage point to 3.5 percent. “A lot has to happen before this fiscal year ends, so it’s ?still to early to say,” McDaniel said. But he said because lawmakerscrafted HB 8 with the two safeguards to avoid revenue crashes as happened in Kansas a decade ago, he expected that the General Assembly will approve future rate reductions when those safeguards are met.

But critics warn that permanently cutting the income tax rate to 4% next year based on temporary good times, produced in large part by federal economic stimulus policies, will have damaging consequences for the state’s ability to fund public education and other programs in the not-too-distant future.

Jason Bailey, executive director of the Kentucky Center for Economic Policy, advocates for a more progressive tax system with higher income taxes and lower sales taxes. Bailey said that the anticipated surplus is largely a result of the legislature’s failure to adequately fund important parts of the current budget including teacher raises, child care and housing and other emergency needs resulting from weather disasters in the east and west.

He also warned that the legislature’s anticipated move next month to cut the income tax rate to 4% will be costly. “If that reduction is approved, then revenues for the 2024 fiscal year will not grow, but drop a bit,” Bailey said.

The Kentucky Education Association has come out against a potential tax cut that it says could harm funding for the state's schools. Shown here is Medora Elementary School in Louisville after students returned in 2021. (Photo by Jon Cherry/Getty Images)

FRANKFORT – Kentucky House Majority Leader Steven Rudy recently told a receptive audience at a Kentucky Chamber of Commerce forum that the first bill the House will consider when it convenes in January will be a measure to cut the Kentucky income tax rate from 4.5% to 4%.

“I think it is very cool for new legislators that the first vote they will take will be to lower Kentucky’s income tax,” said Rudy, a Paducah Republican.?

The burgeoning Republican supermajorities in the General Assembly have taken to using the opening week of short legislative sessions — traditionally used only for organizational chores — to showcase their conservative priorities.?

Of all conservative priorities passed since the GOP took control of the legislature in 2017, perhaps none affects Kentucky people and state government policy more than House Bill 8, a landmark tax bill passed in April that cut the income tax rate from 5% to 4.5% and allows January’s vote to cut it to 4%.?

“A generational change in tax reform,” Senate Majority Leader Damon Thayer called it at the close of the 2022 session. “It makes us more competitive with our surrounding states, makes us more business friendly, and allows Kentuckians to keep more of what they earn in their paychecks.”?

But critics say HB 8 is not reform but simply a big permanent tax cut favoring the rich — a cut that will blow a hole in the state budget at the onset of the next recession.

“I have significant concerns,” said Rep. Lisa Willner, D-Louisville. “The income tax is our biggest?source of revenue, and I cannot detect anything in the bill that looks like a realistic plan to?replace these big amounts of lost revenue.”

The Kentucky Center for Economic Policy (KCEP), a Berea-based think tank that has pushed for?progressive tax reform, describes HB 8 as a budget timebomb.

“Current temporary surpluses are triggering large permanent tax cuts. … If allowed to continue, these tax cuts will quickly squander the rainy day fund and/or force major budget cuts to important services that all Kentuckians rely on,” said Jason Bailey, executive director of KCEP.?

Opposing the tax cut are groups that advocate increases in funding for public education and other programs strained during 20 rounds of budget cuts since the Great Recession of 2008-2009.

The teachers’ union Kentucky Education Association released a statement to the Kentucky Lantern saying in part that incremental income tax cuts “are an economic loser for both the private sector, which creates jobs, and the public sector which funds Kentucky’s public schools, communities and infrastructure.”?

But Rep. Jason Petrie, R-Elkton, who chairs the House budget committee and sponsored HB 8, said the bill includes “safeguards at every turn” which he says will allow income tax rate cuts only when the budget can afford them.?

Stopping the cut, to put it mildly, seems a tall order as another big surplus has been forecasted for the current fiscal year and the November elections swelled Republican supermajorities in the legislature to 80 of 100 House seats and 31 of 38 Senate seats.?

And Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear, who vetoed HB 8 last spring only to have lawmakers override that veto, for now is taking a wait-and-see approach to the issue.?

Massive surplus

When the COVID-19 pandemic hit in early 2020, Republican lawmakers and Beshear feared that restrictions on gatherings, travel and commerce would cause revenue from income, sales and corporation taxes to dry up. Lawmakers passed lean one-year budgets in 2020 and 2021.?

The dip in revenues lasted only a few months. Then the unexpected happened.?

Fueled by aggressive stimulus measures taken by Congress, revenues of nearly all states erupted. As the effect of stimulus spending eased, the economy was hit with inflation, damaging to the personal pocketbook but invigorating to tax revenue growth.

General Fund revenue, which on average grows about 3% a year, grew by 10.9%? in 2020-21, and by 14.6% in 2021-22. Those are by far the strongest growth rates since 1991 when revenues were boosted by a big tax hike passed to fund the Kentucky Education Reform Act.?

The state’s fiscal year ended on June 30 with $2.7 billion in its Budget Reserve Trust Fund, more commonly known as the “rainy day” fund. That is a record surplus by a long shot, equal to nearly 20% of General Fund spending this year.?

While $200 million of the surplus has since been used for flood relief in Eastern Kentucky, and more may be spent on disaster relief or other purposes during the upcoming session in January, a recent report from the State Budget Office predicts another whopping surplus this year that would put the rainy day balance at nearly $4 billion as of next June 30.

House Bill 8

Most states responded to this windfall with some form of tax relief. Bloomberg recently reported that more than half of the 50 states “are using record budget surpluses to fund their biggest collective tax break in decades, risking future revenue shortfalls to help residents combat inflation and make some long-sought cuts.”?

In Kentucky, lawmakers last spring resisted the option taken by nearly 20 states to send one-time checks to taxpayers. They also shunned Beshear’s suggestion for a temporary cut in the sales tax rate.?

Instead, Republican majorities made a big move to achieve a long-sought goal — passing HB 8 — what they consider a “pro-growth” approach to tax reform which makes Kentucky’s revenue stream more reliant on consumption (sales taxes) than production (income tax).?

HB 8 cut the income tax rate from 5% to 4.5% effective Jan. 1, 2023, and it allows for future reductions of one-half percentage point at a time when the state ends a fiscal year on strong financial footing. The bill specifies that the two safeguards must be met before a future half-point cut can be made:?

• The rainy day fund balance is at least 10% of what total General Fund receipts were in the fiscal year that just ended.?
• Total General Fund receipts for the year just ended exceeded General Fund spending by at least the amount that it would cost to cut the income tax rate by one full percentage point.?

Those thresholds were reached June 30, allowing lawmakers in January to consider lowering the income tax rate to 4% effective Jan. 1, 2024.?

And if the recent budget office forecast of revenues proves accurate, then the 2024 General Assembly would likely be able to consider dropping the rate to 3.5% effective Jan. 1, 2025.?

“It will be tough to get to zero in the next decade, but it’s doable,” said Chris McDaniel, R-Taylor Mill, who chairs the Senate budget committee. “We’ll have to see how revenue sources grow and how we can control expenditures.”?

Andrew McNeill, of the Bluegrass Institute for Public Policy Solutions, said, “If we just get down to a rate comparable to Indiana (3.23%) it will be a huge accomplishment.”?

Trouble ahead

Bailey of KCEP says the cut to 4% will “blow a hole” in the budget during the next national economic recession, which he notes many economists predict could come as soon as the Federal Reserve Board hikes interest rates to harness inflation.?

“History provides no evidence that good times will last very long. It shows the opposite,” Bailey said. “It’s kind of an extreme fiscal policy that is going to hurt us, really limit our ability to continue to fund our schools, the Medicaid system and all the things that are paid for in the state budget.”?

Bailey notes that the income tax is the state’s largest source of revenue. It generated more than $6 billion or about 41% of the $14.7 billion in General Fund receipts last year. If lawmakers drop the rate to 4% for fiscal year 2023-24, it would reduce revenues by at least $1.2 billion that year from what it would generate at the current 5% rate. “That’s a lot, it’s more than we spend a year on our university and community college system,” he said.?

HB 8 also included provisions to raise some money by expanding the sales tax to cover 34 additional services. But Bailey noted that move recovers only a fraction of the loss of income tax revenue.?

“House Bill 8 includes no mechanism to have the income tax go back up if our needs increase. It is simply a huge, huge tax cut and a tiny, tiny tax increase from these services,” Bailey said.?

If the rate is cut to 4%? and a recession causes revenue growth to go flat (revenue growth was minus 2.7% in the Great Recession in 2009), Bailey said the surplus will be wiped out and the state will confront tough choices of cutting spending or raising taxes, presumably the sales tax under the current conservative Republican leadership.?

“We already have immediate demands on the General Fund — more funding for disaster recovery in Eastern and Western Kentucky as well as putting money into flood resilience. We have 11,000 teacher vacancies and shortages of other public employees. And we have child care centers at risk of closing when federal ARPA (American Rescue Plan Act) funds end in September of 2024,” Bailey said.?

Safeguards against what happened in Kansas

Petrie, the House budget committee chairman, says there is no need for alarm.?

He noted the cut affects only one revenue source, and does so gradually at a half percentage point at a time, and only when the thresholds are met.

The safeguards, he said, distinguish the bill from income tax cuts made in other states, most notably in Kansas in 2014 which caused revenues to plunge and the legislature to restore higher rates.?

The key safeguard assures that future reductions will not take place unless revenues in the previous year far exceeded spending — by an amount at least equal to what a full 1 percentage point cut in the income tax would cost, he said.?

“Whatever your actual appropriations were for the preceding year, then your actual revenues have to exceed that by a full percentage point of what the expected drop in the individual tax would be if you dropped it a point…” Petrie said. “We’re only doing it in half-point increments, so we should have twice the amount of revenue growth needed to sustain us forward.”

Even with that, he noted each cut of one-half percentage point must be reviewed and approved by the General Assembly.?

Petrie said the bill is consistent with other actions taken by the conservative legislature with the goal of invigorating Kentucky’s economy — partly by transitioning to a tax system more reliant on taxing consumption rather than taxing production. This, he said, makes Kentucky more competitive with other states, helps Kentucky grow and sustain a healthy flow of revenue.?

Bailey said the problem with the two safeguards is that they apply only to revenue conditions of the prior fiscal year rather than any trend extending over a longer time. “One year is just not logical,” he said.?

Moreover, Bailey says cutting the income tax rate is a bigger break for those with higher incomes, while relying more on sales taxes hurts those with lower income who pay a higher percentage of their incomes on things taxed by the sales tax.?

The Republican advocates for this sort of shift say that, under HB 8, lower-income Kentuckians will face no serious pain in large part because so many basic needs (groceries, home utility bills and prescription medicine) are exempt from the sales tax.?

What will Beshear do?

Opponents of the tax cut hope to get help from Beshear, who vetoed HB 8. His veto message said in part, “Other states that have drastically cut income tax have seen their economies harmed by those changes.”

Republican supermajorities overrode that veto.?

But Beshear did not mention that concern when asked recently about HB 8 by Bill Bryant on WKYT’s “Kentucky Newsmakers.”

“We’ll look at that as it comes,” Beshear said. He noted that lawmakers rejected his proposal earlier this year to help Kentuckians cope with inflation by temporarily cutting the sales tax. “As it comes back in front of us, what I’ll be looking at is can it help our people through some tough, but temporary, times of inflation.”